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THE CASE FOR RUSSIA.

MR LLOYD GEORGE'S OPINION

TRADE RELATIONS ADVOCATED,

By Electric Telegraph.—Copyright, LONDON, Juno 1. Mr Lloyd George, in his 19th article, which iie bases on tlie British and Russian Notes, writes:—! am frankly delighted that the negotiations between Lord Guiy.on and the Soviet seem lo indicate a genuine desire to establish a more satisfactory understanding between this country and Russia. The Bolshevist episode, like all revolutionary terrors, bus been a shrieking nightmare i which made the world shudder. It did render one supreme service to civilisation—it terrified democracy back into sanity at the time when the nervous excitability following ou the war was bordering of mental instability. In our attitude towards the Soviet, however, we must constantly bear in mind one consideration. What matters to us is not so much (he Russian Government as the people of Russia, and for the moment the Bolshevist administration constitutes tho only medium for dealing with that mighty nation. As long as it remains a constituted authority in Russia every act of hostility against ii injures Russia. You cannot refuse to trade with it now without depriving the people of commodities essential to their well-being. Tho people will suffer and they ultimately will resent that suffering, Governments come and go but tho nation goes on for ever. DEFENCE OF THE SOVIET.

The Russian people deserve, especially at the hands of the Allies, every sympathetic consideration that can be extended to them. Those who denounce dealings with the existing order seem to have persuaded themselves that pro-revolutionary Russia was governed by a gentle beneficent despotism which conferred the blessings of a tolerant kindly fatherhood upon a well ruled household. In no particular is this a true picture of the ancient regime. Tho fortress of St. Peter and St. Paul was not erected, nor its dungeons dug by Bolshevists. Siberia was not set up as a penal settlement for political offenders by tho Bolshevists. In 1906, about 45,000 “politicals” were deported to endure the severities of Siberia. The persecution of suspected religious leaders was not started by the Soviet. To them does not belong the discredit for initiating pogromism.

Let us not forgot that the revolution was rendered inevitable by the ineptitude and corruption of the. old system, especially by the terrible sufferings and humiliation which this slate of tilings inflicted on Russia in the Great W'u ■ . Puloologue, in his memoirs of an ambassador, tells a story of how the gallant army found itself at the critical hour without ammunition, rifles or transport, and often without food. No braver or more devoted men ever fought for their country than the young peasants who made the Russian armies in 1914-16, With little and often no artillery support, they faced without faltering the best equipped heavy artillery in the world. There was nothing in war comparable to the trustful heroism of these poor peasants. _ Wo know now why there were no shells, rifles or waggons.

CORRUPTION OF OLD REGIME

The wholesale corruption of the old regime has been fully exposed to the world by irrefutable doeiment.u'y evidence. The Grand Duke Sergius, Inspector-General of Artillery, said to the French Ambassador: “When i think Unit this exhibition of impotence is all our aristocratic system has to show, it makes mo want to be a Republican.” When ilio Greek Duke talked like that in the early days of 1915, what must the peasant- soldier have thought by the spring of 1917, after millions of his comrades had been .slaughtered as the result of the same exhibition of impotence? 1 recall one statement made to our general on the Russian front when, on anxiously inquiring.as to gigantic losses which filled him with dismay as well us horror, the usual reply was: "Don’t, worry yourself. Thunk God, of men at all events we have enough. ’’ That is tut answer which sends a thrill of horror through you when you read it. That is why at the end of two and a half years, the patient men in the field mutinied. The “Little Father” had failed them and his minions had betrayed them. It is a sordid, horrid, tale of peculation, maladministration and cruel treachery. Millions of British and French money went, in shameless open bribery whilst the soldiers wore opposing bare breasts, covering bravo hearts (o the most terrible artillery in the world. There wore honourable upright men who did their duty but they are helpless in a torrent of corruption. It is not pleasant to recall these dreadful episodes but the Gory is essential to a right appreciation of events. There is no savagery like that of a truthful people finding its trust imposed upon. The retribution has been hideous n all its aspects, but the provocation was also revolting from every point of view. To judge Russia fairly that must bo taken into account, THE RIGHT VIEW.

I think- the Government, therefore, is taking the right view in opening negotiations with the Soviet, You can easily evoke resounding cheers amongst the thoughtless by declaring melodramatically that you will never shake hands with murder. In practice this policy has always been a failure. French Bolshevism was not defeated by foreign armies nor starved by tho British blockade, but was driven into the arms of Napoleon, and Europe suffered bitterly for the folly of the hotheads on both sides. Jf yon decline to treat with Russia as lotm as the present rulers remain in power, then you ought to place Turkey in the same category. The military junta governing Turkey has been guilty of atrocities' at least as vile as any committed by the Bolshevists, but at Lausanne we- ostentatiously stretched out Britain’s friendly hand to the authors of the Armenian massacres. France, Italy, and America tendered the same warm handshake. “MUST MAKE PEACE.”

I am not criticising the offer of amity made as a condition of peace . We must make peace in the world and you cannot do it if you put whole nations off your visiting list because of the misconduct of those who govern them. Once yon begin yon are not quite sure where it will end, The refusal to trade with Russia would not deprive Soviet commissaries of a single necessity or comfort of life, but the peasants who are not Communists would suffer, and tho people in this country who need Russian produce would suffer to some extent. America can afford this exalted aloofness. She does not need Russian grain and limber, but we cannot do as well without them. We also sadly need Russian flux for linen and die industries which arc languishing without it, But above and beyond nil those material considerations the world needs peace. It is time we made up our minds that tho Soviet has come to stay whether we like it or not, and that one. or other of the formidable men who rule Russia is likely to rule it for some time to come. The sooner we have courage to recognise this fact the sooner will real peace be established.—A. and N.Z. cable.

I'L'iie foregoing and all Mr Lloyd George’s articles are copyright by the United Press Association in America and all countries, copyright in Australia and Now Zealand by the Australian Press Association, and copyright in Britain by the Daily Chronicle. The reproduction in full or in part is prohibited.]

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MS19230602.2.52

Bibliographic details

Manawatu Standard, Volume XLIV, Issue 722, 2 June 1923, Page 5

Word Count
1,223

THE CASE FOR RUSSIA. Manawatu Standard, Volume XLIV, Issue 722, 2 June 1923, Page 5

THE CASE FOR RUSSIA. Manawatu Standard, Volume XLIV, Issue 722, 2 June 1923, Page 5

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