The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1891.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXV, Issue 9427, 30 May 1891, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1891.

Thk importance of the Australasian Colonies being completely and effectively defended has evidently taken a firm hold of the minda of the naval and military authorities at Home. We have just received the complete report of a paper on this subject read by Major-General Edwards before the Colonial Institute in March. The facta that Lord Brassey was in the chair, that the gathering was a very large and influential one, and that those who took part in the subsequent discussion included Sir William Jervois, Sir Eedvers Buller, Sir Charles Bilke, Admiral Colomb and Colonel Owen, are sufficient indications of the interest with which the subject is regarded in Great Britain. Throughout his paper Sir Bevan Edwards dwelt chiefly upon the need for a federation of the Australian forces, the importance of the Australians being in a position to assume an offensive attitude in case of war, and the advantage of a National Congress being called at an early date to lay down a policy of national defence. Although he skilfully avoided the political aspects of Australasian federation, he evidently regards the possibility of a federation of the forces as contingent upon their being placed under the direction and control of a Federal Government. This appears to be almost an imperative condition. Without political federation of the different Australian Colonies, there would be a lack of homogeneity and cohesiveness which would render the best-equipped local military organisations ineffective. Although settled at different points, the great island continent must for defence purposes be regarded as one country. The danger which would follow to the whole from a foreign Power acquiring a footing in one part is apparent. This danger supplies the necessity for a federation of forces to meet the common foe wherever be may appear. The railway systems already made, and those projected, will provide the means of giving effect to the federation for purposes of military defence. It is not, however, merely from a defensive point of view that Bir Bevan Edwards would have the Australasian Colonies regard this question. He states what is a truism when he says that the defence of these colonies depends ultimately upon British maritime supremacy. But, looking at the progress recently made by other nations in the building of war-ships, he almost questions whether our supremacy as a nation is really assured. Quoting Admiral Mayue, he declares that in 1894, when the present shipbuilding programme will be complete, England will have 500 vessels of war ; whereas Prance and Russia combined have 585, France and Italy 579, and France and Germany 556. The Admiral suggestively adds, “ This shows that we are by no means superior to the combined fleets of any two Powers, Prance being one of them, which is the adopted official standard.” Holding these views, Sir Bevan Edwards considers the Australasian Colonies should not only be able to act on the defensive, but should have a naval and military force strong enough to take the offensive. “ It is,” he says, “ the power to seek out your adversaries, to take the offensive against them, which is the only true defence.” According to him, “ this offensive warfare, which is the only true defence, consists of the power to attack your enemy and destroy his ships. His operations against our commerce cannot be definitely stopped unless his naval bases and coaling stations are taken.” This phase of the question is a very urgent one. The fact that Australasia is so far removed from the Mother Country renders it of the utmost importance that the great marine high roads of commerce should be kept clear. Three of these are open, namely, by the Suez Canal, the Cape, aud round South America. The first cannot be counted on as available during war with a strong naval Power. The whole of our traffic must, therefore, be carried on by one of the other two routes. It is true that along both these there is a series of naval bases and coaling stations; but the question which demands attention is this: Can we expect much longer to escape the liabilities and responsibilities of our position? In other words, can we expect the British taxpayer to go on for an unlimited period maintaining a clear highway for our trade? We have already, by our contribution to the cost of Imperial defence, admitted our liability. Can wo logically halt ? Must we not sooner or later recognise that our interests are bound up in the maintenance of the ocean highways to an extent which will compel us to assist more largely than at present in supporting the naval supremacy of the Empire ? These considerations emphasise the contention of Sir Bevan Edwards that these colonies must be prepared at some time or other to accept the duty, not only of defending their own shores, but also of sending troops to assist the warships in destroying the naval bases and coaling stations of any enemy who may menace Australasian interests. ” The defence of Australia,” Sir Bevan says, “ cannot be fully accompliahed by a fleet tied to Australian

waters, but by its being able to units with the China and Pacific on the one hand, or with the Capa on the other, as occasion may arise. * * * The real defence of the Australasian Colonies will be secured; by fleets thousands of miles from her shores.” The conclusion at which Bir Bevan Edwards arrives is, that while the world is at peace, effective steps should be taken to arrange a federatlou of the Empire for the purposes of defence. This must strike every careful observer as one of the first steps towards patting the defences of the' outlying portions of the Empire in a satisfactory condition. One result from' this we may expect would be the formulation of a policy of defence, under which each member of the federation would know what its precise responsibilities were, and what was expected of it in case of emergency; This would reduce to a minimum the possibilities of a national disaster by any portion of the empire being unprepared for attacks from outside. A National Defence Congress, at which all parts of the empire would' he represented, appears a most reasonable suggestion. Such a gathering would represent the vast latent resources of the British Empire, Its practical result would doubtless be to unite for the purposes of defence the whole of the widelyscattered countries which acknowledge the British sovereignty. Its moral effect would be still greater. It would show the world an empire federated for defence, which, although perhaps weak in its individual parts, united stands the greatest confederation the world has ever seen. 5