What Will The Government Do On Conscription?
[SPECIAL TO STAR]
WELLINGTON, This Day.
It appears likely that the Prime Minister, Mr Fraser, will be back in New Zealand before the present session finishes. There are now 18 Bills on the Order Paper and the session to date has seen a total presentation of more than 60 public, local and private Bills. One correspondent has lightly suggested that, with the present volume of business, the King may arrive in time not open next session but to close this one. When Mr Fraser returns, he will no doubt take an early opportunity of informing the House of the results of the discussions at the current Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ conference and give some definite lead on the question of universal, service. It he adheres to the sentiments he expressed on the subject before his departure for London —and that visit is more than likely to strengthen these h e may get more unanimity from the Opposition than from his own party because at least a few of the latter may be susceptible to the anticonscription resolutions of some unions. The change of attitude regarding conscription among Labour leaders is well known, andMhe reasons for and against it are too lengthy to be reviewed in a single article. Without, however, going any further back than the 1940 Easter conference of the Federation of Labour, that assembly reaffirmed its unconditional opposition to conscription, and a joint statement on war policy by the federation’s national council and the national executive of the party, signed by Messrs A. McLagan and James Roberts, as presidents respectively, stated in part: “There is no conscription in New Zealand and there will not be while Labour is m power.” Changed Attitude How soon the situation changed, everyone knows, for that one-time ardent “no conscription of manpower without conscription of wealth” apostle, Mr R. Semple, drew the first marble in the first ballot, and later Mr McLagan took chaige of the department-administering national service. The point of this 1940 reference is to suggest that there is still within the ranks of the Labour Party, and particularly the industrial section, an element of strong oppose ition to conscription, even under the less fearsome title of universal service. In spite of the war, that traditional opposition would not die c n s i 1 V "when Mr Fraser returns, his already close knowledge of international affairs reinforced by what he learns and what is decided at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ conference, he will be in a strong position, provided he thinks that the circumstances still warrant it. to bid for almost unanimous industrial and political Labour support for some form of national service. He made it clear before he left foi London that he would consult a wide range of interests on the matter, but in the final analysis there is no reason to doubt that the matter will be resolutely tackled. There is already some talk of a referendum, and jointly with this, a not unnatural objection from some quarters that the majority ol those would would vote on such an issue would not themselves be person' ally affected.
Need For Care — Mr Fraser will require not only courage but some astuteness to come to grips with national service in general election year, now so close, and it may be that while the final Government decision is to be reached next year any referendum would be delayed unless urgent circumstances-warranted otherwise. On the other hand, if a complete two-party agreement can be reached, the formality of a referendum may be dispensed with. Such may be reserved for the gambling and liquor issues only. Though the subject has not yet. been raised, the attitude to be adopted by other dominions, particularly the sister dominion of Australia, on conscription in peace-time may loom largely in the inevitable controversy which it would arouse here.
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Greymouth Evening Star, 19 October 1948, Page 5
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648What Will The Government Do On Conscription? Greymouth Evening Star, 19 October 1948, Page 5
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