Labour Facing Policy Crisis This Week
LONDON, March 11. The Labour Party stands today at a crossroads, facing one of the most critical decisions in its 60-year-old history.
Next Wednesday, March 16, its national executive comrriittee may have to choose which road to take, in the sure knowledge that whatever choice it makes will infuriate a section of the party.
To an outsider, the crux of the problem may seem a mere verbal quibble abaut the wording of the fourth clause in the party constitution. But it is this clause which pledges Labour to bring about “the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange”—that is, nationalisation The dust of the election battle had hardly settled last October when associates of the party leader, Mr Hugh Gaitskell, began to claim the “myth" that Labour intended to nationalise “everything” had helped to bring about the party’s third successive election defeat by the Conservatives.
This view was immediately interpreted by Left-wing Labour
members, particularly the “Victory for Socialism” group, as a move away from traditional Socialist doctrines.
The party promptly found itself divided into tWo sects—the “fundamentalists” and the “revisionists.” ? , ’ Disregarding hostile rumblings from the Left-wing journal “Tribune," which even suggested his leadership was at stake, Mr Gaitskell went ahead with his plan for a revised constitution.
Even so, the original date for the "showdown”—January 27 was deferred to March 16 in the hope that the party’s deputy leader and "shadow” foreign secretary. Mr Aneurin Bevan, would be sufficiently recovered from a serious operation to attend.
This is now unlikely, but a head-on clash is not to be deferred any longer. This week “Tribune” published what it claimed was the draft revision of the constitution—described as a “new testament” to add to the “old”—which Mr Gaitskell intended to put before the national executive. The revised clause four, which becomes clause 10 in the new document, speaks of “a substantial measure of common ownership in varying forms,” names some of these forms, and adds that Labour believes the extent and form of common ownership is “to be decided from time to time according to the circumstances, due regard being paid to the view of the workers directly concerned.” The revised “clause four" seems unlikely to dismay any but the most diehard fundamentalists.
In addition, the other 11 clauses of the 12-clause draft published by “Tribune” contains a forthright declaration of the Labour Party’s beliefs and ainjs. The draft stresses the central ideal of the brotherhood of man. and says the party “utterly rejects” discrimination on grounds of race, colour or creed.
It says the party believes no nation is justified, whatever its size or power, In dictating to or ruling over other countries against their will, and stands for the right of all people to freedom, independence and selfgovernment.
Clause three, according to “Tribune,” pledges the party “to respect the United Nations Charter in letter and spirit, to renounce the use of armed force except in self-defence and to work unceasingly for world disarmament, the abolition of all nuclear weapons, and tho peaceful settlement of international disputes." Clause four affirms “the duty of richer nations to assist poorer nations and to do all in their power to abolish poverty throughout the world.” This resounding new charter for Labour, to be discussed on Wednesday, may prove the decisive weapon in Mr Gaitskell’s favour after a sporadic battle of snipers which has left the party with many scars. It may also restore Britain’s chief opposition party to something of its former unity.
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Bibliographic details
Press, Volume XCIX, Issue 29153, 14 March 1960, Page 11
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589Labour Facing Policy Crisis This Week Press, Volume XCIX, Issue 29153, 14 March 1960, Page 11
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