RECOVER PLAN

Ashburton Guardian, Volume 53, Issue 286, 14 September 1933, Page 5

RECOVER PLAN

LABOUR FORCES THE ISSUE. PROBLEMS IN UNITED STATES. EXTENSION OF UNIONISM. (United Press Association—Copyright). NEW YORK, September 13. It is clearly indicated that the National Recovery Act is being subjected to a very severe strain on the issue of the labour clauses. The essential ideal behind the National Recovery Act is balanced sacrifice and gain from controlled, nation-wide economic modifications. It involves above all the abandonment of the mental viewpoint of the struggle between employer and worker inherent in the history of industrial relations. It now seems inevitable that the act must intensify the struggle rather than lessen it, and the consequent disturbances may shatter the whole system.

As early as June 27, the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, sent Mr Roosevelt a letter severely criticising General Hugh, S. Johnson, recovery administrator, and his deputies in handling the labour aspects of various codes. They alleged that representatives of the industry had been openly guided and instructed during the hearings by Recovery Administration representatives to circumvent and defeat every labour aspiration. This sounds comical in the light of the recent declaration of war by the motor, steel, oil and other great industries against the act on the ground that it openly favours labour. It is contended by these industries that Mr Roosevelt's Government and party are definitely favouring labour. Competent observers in Washington say that this bias toward labour is part and parcel of the "bloodless revolution," but one must go to the Re covery Act itself to get most light on the question. /Section 7, which became the battle ground, grants the right qf collective bargaining over wage rates, hours, and conditions of employment to labour groups through representatives "of their own choosing." Ihis is interpreted as compelling the workers by law to join unions. Those who claim to, know the intention of Congress in framing, or rather approving the Act, say that Section 7 was intended only as a safeguard against the old practice of the dismissal, by certain "open shop" employers, of those workers who joined trade unions.

The realities of the situation became immediately evident, however, when it was realised that trade union organisers, during the past several weeks, had appeared in offices and factories that had never before been unionised. When the body economic of the nation is sick unto death, and is undergoing a sensitive experiment for recovery, it seems hardy the time to try to settle the problem of the open versus the closed shop, which it was impossible to settle when it was hi full health and vigour.

Ira justice to Mr Roosevelt's philosophy, at least that part of it which underlies the National Recovery „Act, it must be said that he is in no sense "just another trade unionist himself." The framers of the Act had a whole—not a partial—outlook, and the system of codes aspires to create a "federation of industries, co-extensive with a isuper-federation of labour." In general terms this is even specified in tho Recovery Act, which aims to "induce and maintain united action of labour and management under adequate Governmental sanctions and supervision."

In anticipation of the inevitable problems, Mr Roosevelt, on August 5, created a national board of arbitration with Senator Wagner at its head. This body has been more or loss iscrupu-, lously. avoided by disputants. It must bo concluded that even if the best motives are imptited, the fact remains that American unions are as badly prepared for the technique of intelligent co-operation in industry as a social phenomenon, as are the great majority of individualistic employer*.