CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE DESIRE OF FIJI TO BE INCORPORATED WITH NEW ZEALAND.)

Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1885 Session I, A-04a

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1885. NEW ZEALAND.

CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE DESIRE OF FIJI TO BE INCORPORATED WITH NEW ZEALAND.)

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

No. 1, Mr. T. H. Peichabd, Fiji, to the Hon. the Peemieb, New Zealand. Annexation Committee. Sib, — Levuka, 15th April, 1885. I have the honour, by direction of the committee, to invite your attention to a popular movement here in progress, having for its object the incorporation of Fiji with the Colony of New Zealand. It will doubtless be within your knowledge that a petition praying for this was presented by the Hon. B. B. Leefe and his fellow-delegates representing the European colonists to the Hon. Major Atkinson, then Premier of New Zealand, in 1884; so that it will be seen that the present movement but follows up in due course the strong desire for closer political connection with your colony already expressed. The reply to the petition was that, for reasons given, it was believed that action at that time would probably hinder the accomplishing of the object in view, and the petitioners were counselled to await a more favourable opportunity. This course was suggested in view of the presumed necessity for meeting with forcible representation a probable reluctance on the part of the Imperial Government to sanction the proposal, and it was thought that this could be done to greater advantage after the Colonial Parliaments had dealt with the Convention resolutions and after the Imperial assent had been given to the New Zealand Confederation Act. But, apart from these matters, the committee ventures to hope that the more favourable opportunity has now arisen, since it would appear that the reluctance on the part of the Imperial Government either no longer exists or has sensibly decreased in force. It will not have escaped your notice that the annexation of Fiji by New Zealand has recently been publicly advocated by our Colonial Secretary, the Hon. J. B. Thurston, in an address delivered before the members of the Eoyal Colonial Institute in London. It is here known that personally Mr. Thurston did not favour this proposition, and the conclusion is therefore unavoidable that he would not have publicly advocated it at a time when he was in personal communication with the Colonial Office unless he had good and sufficient reason for concluding that the proposition would be favourably received by the Imperial Government. Acting upon this conviction, the agitation has been here resumed. A very numerously-attended public meeting has been held in Levuka, a report of which I enclose for your perusal. The committee has been appointed, which now has the honour of addressing you, and steps have been taken to obtain general co-operation in a petition to the Parliament of New Zealand praying for support and assistance. To detail all the reasons which have induced this action would indefinitely prolong my letter and unduly trench upon your time. Generally, however, they will be within your knowledge as having risen in the rigidly repressive form of government here operating, and in the natural desire of those so largely recruited from New Zealand and the neighbouring colonies to live, once more at least, under the shadow and protection of liberal institutions. This, it is hoped, will result in a mutual advantage; and though it is fully recognized that the greater share of the benefit will in such event accrue to Fiji, still it is believed that substantial advantage will also remain with New Zealand. For Fiji, escape is sought from a system of Government which means taxation without representation; which shuts out the colonists from all participation in the ordering of their own affairs and the expenditure of their own revenues; which imposes on them a form of administration unsuited to their wants and condition, and unnecessarily cumbrous and expensive; which has deprived the European of all civil and political privileges; and which, in stripping the natives of all natural rights and liberties, has most injuriously affected commerce and production. I—A. 4.

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It is also hoped to secure a free market for our products and manufactures, and thus to enhance our general prosperity. The population may be placed at 3,000 Europeans, who own about one-tenth of the area of the islands, and who have invested approximately £2,500,000 in their development. The native population is 115,000. The revenue amounts to £100,000 per annum, and is equal even to present extravagant demands, so that the self-supporting position of the colony is well assured, apart from the simpler form of Government it is hoped to obtain. For New Zealand, it is anticipated that the political protection and assistance so rendered will secure a sensible extension of her commerce, open up a wider market for her products, and more firmly establish her natural position as the colony exercising the dominant influence in the South Seas. In view of these mutual advantages, and of the fact assumed, from Mr. Thurston's action, that the proposition will not be unfavourably regarded by the Imperial Government, I am directed to solicit your all powerful interest and co-operation in the endeavour to bring this matter to a successful issue. The petition to both Houses of Parliament is now in course of preparation and will be forwarded as early as possible, and I am instructed to inquire whether you will kindly take charge of its presentation, thereby making it a ministerial matter. In any case I am directed to bespeak your favourable consideration of the proposal, and to entreat for it your cordial interest and assistance. I have written the Hon. Sir Julius Vogel on the subject, also Sir George Grey and Major Atkinson. Awaiting your favourable reply. I have, &c, The Hon. Bobert Stout, T. H. Peichabd, Premier of New Zealand, Wellington. Honorary Secretary.

Enclosure. [Extract from the Fijian Times, Ist April, 1885.] The public meeting held in the hall of the Mechanics' Institute on Saturday evening, with the object of taking steps to procure the incorporation of Fiji with New Zealand, was the largest and most enthusiastic that has taken place in the town since the appointment of the delegates to the Federal Convention, with a somewhat similar object, two years ago. The hall was filled, every seat being occupied; and, more significant still of the strong hold of the subject on the public mind, there were a number of ladies in the gallery, who evidently took great interest in the proceedings. Perfect unanimity prevailed throughout, and the frequent hearty bursts of applause which greeted telling passages in the addresses proved how thoroughly one and all were in accord as to the desirability of the proposed union. The chair was taken by the Worshipful the Warden, who explained the object of the meeting, and read the numerously-signed requisition pursuant to which he had convened it. He said it was almost needless to remark that such a request, and for so very desirable a purpose, had met with his ready acquiescence. The meeting had been called for the earliest moment, so that they might strike the iron while it was hot, and Saturday night had been chosen as the one which would best suit the convenience of the greatest number. He was pleased to see so crowded a meeting; and he thought that among those present none would hesitate to affirm that at no time had Fiji stood more in need of a helping hand than now, and it appeared that no time could be more suitable for putting forth a vigorous effort to obtain assistance such as they required. If all were united, and if they succeeded, in enlisting the sympathies of New Zealand, there would appear to be no doubt of success. The mere fact that this step being publicly advocated by the Hon. J. B. Thurston in London was an evidence in which there was more than appeared on its face. It gave assurance that the proposition would not be unfavourably regarded by the Home Government, and with this prospect the way was clear. • He would not detain the meeting longer, but would call on Mr. Ledingham to move the first resolution. Mr. Ledingham, who was received with loud applause, said : The Chairman had just informed them that the meeting had been called te take the first step toward securing, if possible, the annexation of Fiji by New Zealand. As to the desirability of this course he did not think there could be two opinions. The state of things in Fiji was now so utterly deplorable that any change must be one for the better, while the prospect of such a change as that which would be brought about by its incorporation with New Zealand promised salvation to the one and substantial benefits to the other. The resolution he had to propose was to the following effect: " That this meeting hails with unqualified satisfaction the action of the Hon. J. B. Thurston, C.M.G., in advocating the annexation of Fiji by New Zealand; and that, while heartily concurring with him as to its extreme desirability, it pledges itself to exhaust every effort in the endeavour to effect this object." Upon this subject he hoped all present would be prepared to give a full and free opinion, so that no doubt might remain as to the earnestness and unanimity of public feeling. In support of the resolution he would run back over the past, and review to some extent the effect of Crown-colony government on Fiji. All there who were connected with the colony at the time of annexation would remember that despatch of Lord Carnarvon, published about the time of the hoisting of the British flag, in which he set forth the advantages which the annexation would secure to the European settlers. One of these was that landed estate would immediately increase in value, and property then worth but £1 per acre would speedily be worth £5. He would ask those present had this forecast been realized? Was that the position of affairs at that moment. There could be but one answer, No ! And why was this ? Because from the advent of Sir Arthur Gordon the whole policy of the Government had

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been one of antagonism to the European settlers, and altogether inimical to their interests. Obstacle after obstacle, impediment after impediment, restriction after restriction had foiled every effort at advancement, and driven the planters to despair. It was hoped that when Sir Arthur went and another man arrived to take h s place there would be a change for the better. But after they did go they got Sir William Des Vceux. No man ever had a better chance to make a reputation for himself, to do good to all round him, and to leave on record a lasting memorial to his credit. But, as they had found, the devil that had come was worse.than the devil that had gone * and now he also had gone, leaving the colony on the verge of bankruptcy. Instead of the increase in the value of property promised by Lord Carnarvon there had been a decrease. The policy of the Government had destroyed what value the lands once had, and real estate was now worth nothing — positively nothing. He appealed, to all land owners there present if he was not stating bare fact in saying that their title-deeds were now the very worst security on which they could attempt to obtain an advance. Was it not the truth that it represented not only a valueless asset, but worse, since it was considered to involve a liability. Were they then to sit quietly down and see themselves thus being ruined by a pernicious policy, with the consciousness that they had within themselves all the conditions necessary to progress and advancement ? No ! Their course was clear ; let them agitate for incorporation with New Zealand Government. From there the affairs of Fiji would be administered in an intelligent and practical manner. They would be allied to a people who could understand them, who could sympathize with them, and with whom they would possess a Community of thought and interest. They would have their basis of Government 1,200 and not 12,000 miles away. They would become part of a powerful colony, which could secure attention for their complaints and redress for their grievances. With their experience in that direction, and the light of the past to guide them, the native interests would be as safe, and safer, in the hands of New Zealand than in that of the Imperial Government. But the labour question would be dealt with from a common-sense and not a sentimental basis, and he felt convinced that the general effect of the change on the colony would be little less than magical. To help in obtaining this benefit he asked all to speak freely and fearlessly, without dread of official displeasure. If New Zealand would take them in hand the benefits to Fiji would be incalculable, but, on the other hand, the benefits to New Zealand would also be material. She would at once acquire that position and influence in the South Seas for which she has striven so long. She would obtain an outlet for her commerce, and a new customer for her production, since her trade with the group would so increase as to secure for her at least the great bulk of it, whereas she now did but a small portion. The exchanges .would be beneficial to both colonies without incurring cost to either. They would receive from New Zealand the much-needed political assistance in the shape of such a simple form of Government as would not, like the present system, crush the life out of them. Their industries would revive under the influence of the open markets New Zealand would provide for their produce, while they would give in exchange an accession to the influence and commerce of the incorporating colony. If the annexation took place it would be of greater importance to them certainly, and, as he had said, he believed the effect would be little less than magical. It would secure an influx both of population and capital—all that was necessary to the progress of the group. They had land of wonderful fertility, and every element of wealth and prosperity, but these they could only hope to realize when, under the guidance of New Zealand, they were free of the burdens and restrictions which now hampered them in every direction. He had great pleasure in proposing the resolution he had read, and fervently hoped it might lead to some practical result. Mr. W. I. Thomas cordially seconded the proposition. It commended itself to him as pointing out a common-sense course of action, and one that should be successful, seeing that it was one in which the New Zealanders would be drawn to them by common sympathies and common interests. He regarded the time as especially favourable to the effort. There could be no doubt that, when the Hon. J. B. Thurston went before so influential a body as the Colonial Institute and advocated the connection, he did so with authority. They were therefore justified in concluding that the Imperial Government were not adverse, but that they had discovered that their policy in Fiji had not been successful, that its continuance was not desirable, and that they were willing to relieve themselves from further trouble by handing the colony over to New Zealand. He need hardly remind those present that, so far as the colonists were concerned, this proposition to relieve themselves of direct Imperial control by such a step was no new one. They had assembled in that hall before, and had appointed delegates to the Federal Convention in the hope of bringing about such an issue. That the popular feeling was as strong now as then, that crowded meeting testified ; and now, as then, they were strongly desirous of severing the direct Imperial connection and attaching themselves to one of the powerful Australian colonies. When the attempt was formerly made, it had met with the uncompromising opposition of Sir William Des Yceux. He had strained every effort to thwart them.. He had taken the trouble to obtain leave of absence, and had gone to Sydney for the express purpose of shutting the door of the Convention in the face of the delegates. The consequence was they had failed, but had only failed to a certain extent, since they had strongly interested several of the members of the Convention in the affairs of Fiji. They had then framed their petition for annexation to New Zealand, and the course had been warmly advocated ; so that the present proposition suggested no new line of action, but only indorsed and reaffirmed the action of the delegates. He did not think it was a proposal which would bo coldly regarded by their powerful neighbour whose protection and assistance they sought. New Zealand had been long anxious to extend her power and influence in these seas. Closer political and commercial connection with the South Sea Islands had been an object kept steadily in view by Sir Julius Vogel for many years, and if, as he (Mr. Thomas) had anticipated, it now met with his powerful advocacy, there was every reason to expect success. To insure this it was necessary to make of it a common cause, and for all to put a vigorous shoulder to the wheel. This, he felt Convinced, they were determined to do, and so eventually escape from the present position. He would not trespass

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longer on their time, as there were other speakers to follow, but would conclude by again cordially seconding the proposition. The motion was then put and carried unanimously, the result being hailed with prolonged applause. Mr. Garrick proposed : "That in furtherance of the end in view a petition from the European colonists of Fiji be prepared for presentation to both Houses of the New Zealand Parliament, praying their cordial indorsement and support of the action here taken." He said, the resolution simply indicated the course it was suggested they should take to give effect to the decision just arrived at; but with regard to its phraseology he thought it but fair to state that to an extent the responsibility for it rested with him. It would be noticed that the proposition was to address their petition to the New Zealand Parliament, and not as in ordinary course to the Eight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies. If there was anything to blame in this the blame was his, as in its original form the resolution did contemplate a reference of the question by them to the Imperial authorities. But he was sorry to say that he had had considerable experience in connection with petitions from Fiji to the Imperial authorities. There were few present who, in one capacity or other, had not been associated with him, among others, in these various efforts to represent causes of complaint and to solicit redress, and therefore they knew it to be a shameful fact that not one of these petitions or memorials had so much as received a graceful or courteous acknowledgment of receipt. Not long ago he had joined with other land claimants in representing by petition to the Eight Hon. the Secretary of State certain very serious causes of complaint, into which they, as British subjects, respectfully asked for investigation with a view of obtaining redress. The matter was one vitally affecting the interests of the petitioners, and was pressed with all respectful earnestness ; yet, so far from obtaining either inquiry or redress, they had failed in obtaining even a graceful or a courteous answer. They had been dismissed with the curfcest and rudest of refusals, while now they found that these very same complaints, advanced by German subjects, and backed by an authority which could not be curtly and rudely repulsed, were meeting with investigation and redress. Thus, German subjects were accorded attention and consideration, while the supplications of the oppressed British subjects for a like measure of justice were ignominiously disregarded. As an Englishman he was ashamed that such a statement could be made with truth; but, while they knew that it only expressed the truth, they would be something less than men again and again humbly to petition the Colonial Office, and not resent the insult which can ignore all claims to right and justice in the British subject, and only recognize them in the German. For this reason he had suggested appeal from the colonists of Fiji to the Parliament of New Zealand only ; and, in the almost certain event of the' favourable acceptance of their petition in that quarter, it would be for that colony to address the Imperial Government, and to depend upon its nearer approximation to the German position for a favourable reply. Speaking to the general subject, he might point out that, while it would meet with cordial support from the great majority, it was quite likely that the representatives of English and colonial capital here invested might not be inclined to regard it favourably. They might be inclined to dread the effect of the democratic New Zealand vote in excluding Indian and coolie labour from Fiji. He did not think any real danger need be apprehended from this cause, as in any case there would remain a free market for the products of the group. On the New Zealand consumption of sugar this would mean a gain to those engaged in this industry of at least £50,000 per annum. It had also to be remembered that the new conditions would mean all restriction removed from the Fijian's right to labour for hire, and there could be no doubt that these would also get on much better if they were simply let alone. For some time to come the Native-labour supply would be quite equal to all requirements if the men were relieved of present burdens and allowed to work for wages ; and with these advantages as to market and labour in view he thought the other risk might be accepted with perfect confidence as to the result. In another direction the benefit which would result from the connection would be undeniable, and that was, in the simpler form of Government, more appropriate to the wants and conditions of the colony, it would introduce. Not only was the present system unwieldy and expensive, but the manner in which it was carried out descended to absurdity. From his Honour downwards there was not an officer of the Government discharging the duties for which any former experience had fitted him. At the head of affairs they had a gentleman (he spoke with all respect for him as an able man, in fact, as one of the ablest men they had) whose qualification for his proper appointment was that of a medical man. Next, the Colonial Secretary had qualified for his office as a country Magistrate. The Eeceiver-General, a gentleman whose duty it was to have at his finger-ends all the threads of the commercial web, had qualified as a Eegistrar of Births and Deaths. In fact, the members of the Administration represented simply a chapter of accidents. Every office was held by an acting incumbent, and with respect to some their acting appointment was of a double-barrelled character—acting appointment on acting appointment; and for all this the colony was required to pay as if its offices were filled by men of experience, acquainted with their duties and competent to discharge them. In no other part of the civilized world would such a burlesque be tolerated, and the sooner it was here brought to a conclusion the better for all, except perhaps the actors. If the colony were annexed to New Zealand no Government would dare continue in office a man whose fitness for it admitted of a reasonable doubt, but here they were allowed no say in their own affairs. They merely had to pay men who regarded the association of their paymasters with an industrial pursuit as placing them on a lower level than that occupied by the official—men who had no knowledge of their duties, no sympathies with their surroundings, no ideas in common with the colonists ; who affected an isolation and an exclusiveness as offensive as it was absurd, yet who had not the common-sense to understand the general estimation in which they are held. How was it possible that a country could progress so governed and so guided? To try and change such a state of affairs had become a duty. In the endeavour to effect the change he hoped all would speak out boldly and fearlessly, and, by convincing the New Zealanders that they were in earnest, they would without doubt attain their object,

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Mr. Griffiths gladly seconded the proposition, and thought it was high time steps were taken to effect the object it had in view. Under the sway of our two Governors every interest in the group had suffered until it was on the verge of bankruptcy. Sir Arthur Gordon was no doubt actuated by the best motives when he gave the communal system the force of law and initiated the native taxation scheme. But the Press and the people of the day denounced the schemes as illusive, yet perforce consented to give them a trial; and after about three years' trial the Chamber of Commerce represented the matter to Sir Hicks Beach, the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, as a failure. Sir Arthur said it was a success, and the Secretary of State believed the Governor in preference to the people. Mr. Des Voeux was shortly after appointed Governor, and, like a wise man, decided not to be too radical in changing a policy approved of by the Secretary of State. Now, where their late Governor failed in his duty to both the Queen and the people was that, being called upon to serve their interests, he consented to sit down and receive his salary without looking into the internal economy of the country. Had he done so, he could only have reported unfavourably to the Home Government, and steps would have been taken to remedy the evil. The present state of depression had all along been coming upon them, but the fall in products had assisted matters and met the storm of depression half-way; and Fiji was that evening a ruined colony, while Sir Arthur Gordon had been promoted to the governorship of Ceylon and £7,000 a year, and Sir George Des Voeux was away enjoying himself on half-pay at their expense. The one-man rule in Fiji must be done away with, and there could be very little doubt that the Home authorities had been brought to recognize this fact. If not too far away in these times of telegraph and fast steaming, England had too much to attend to properly to understand the requirements of such a place as Fiji; and, in delegating these functions to a colony such as New Zealand, which has the power to protect all interests, England should be glad to be relieved of a responsibility which she must feel she cannot do justice to. If this was properly represented to the Imperial Government, England cannot but consent to the proposed change of government. Two very excellent articles in to-day's Fiji Times depicted the miserable state of depression existing throughout the country both among the whites and natives, and the native policy of Sir Arthur is held answerable for the result. Under a united Fiji and New Zealand administration, all the absurdities in connection with the natives would be done away with, and each unit of the population allowed to enjoy the fruit of his own labour. The annexation of Fiji by New Zealand would add largely to the prestige of both countries, and would illustrate the old adage that union is strength No expensive railways are required here, and all the country wants would be a simple form of government assimilating to that which obtained in the New Zealand provinces under the old system. The saving of £4,000 a year, Governor's salary, together with lesser expense of the new form of administration, would enable the abolition of direct taxation on the natives in kind, which wonld in itself, in a very practical manner, illustrate to them the benefits of being governed from New Zealand in place of England. New Zealand had nothing to lose by her connection with Fiji, but on the other hand would benefit by an extended trade and commerce, and the free interchange of commodities would be beneficial to both countries. Under these convictions he gladly seconded the proposition. The motion was put and carried unanimously amid great acclamation. Mr. J. B. Simmonds proposed, " That steps be taken forthwith to obtain the co-operation of those residents in Suva, Bewa, Taviuni, and in every other part of the group, by addressing those in prominent positions and invoking their active assistance." This proposition, he felt, needed no words from him to commend it, and the general matter had been so ably dealt with that he could add nothing. He would, however, like to say that, while advocating annexation to New Zealand, it was not done by him in the interests of the Europeans only, but also in that of the natives, who were groaning under such bitter oppression. He was an old resident, and had even recently been over a large part of the group; and he could solemnly affirm that the position of these unfortunates was such that they hardly dared to call their souls their own. If they dared express their true feeling, he knew how heartily the commoners and not a few chiefs would join in the proposed petitions. This they dare not do; but it was for those present to remember that they were acting not less for natives than for Europeans. Mr. Witham seconded the proposition. The general subject had been treated so ably and so exhaustively by the former speakers that little more remained to be said, and he would therefore confine himself to the formal duty. The resolution was carried nem. con. Mr. Prichard said the resolution he had to propose was one which required but little introduction. They had affirmed the desirability of the proposed connection. They had also decided upon the general course of action, and his proposition simply dealt with detail. It was, " That a central committee be formed from the meeting, with power to add to its number, to direct the movement, to draft the petition, to prepare the statistics and other information necessary to prove the selfsupporting position of the colony, and other data bearing on the general question, and to take whatever further steps may be necessary to secure the incorporation of Fiji with New Zealand." In regarding the general matter, it was perhaps well to look at it from the New Zealand point of view. It might very well there be said, " Fiji is evidently in a bad way. It is publicly asserted that it is on the verge of bankruptcy, that the lands are valueless assets, that agricultural enterprises are unremunerative, and that commerce is almost at a standstill. What, then, does this proposition mean ? Is it that the colonists are desirous of hanging themselves and their burdens round our necks ? Do they want us to get them out of their financial difficulties, and is New Zealand to pay that Fiji may thrive ? " Those present, and the colonists throughout the group, knew that such was not the case. They knew that it was the political and not the monetary help of New Zealand that was wanted. They knew that Fiji was thoroughly well able to support itself without any assistance. But the committee must be prepared to make this manifest to the New Zealanders. It

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seemed to him that the matter was easy. Eunning back over published records, it would be found that the actual revenue raised from the colony had increased from £46,000 in 1877 to £106,000 in 1883, than which no later returns had been printed. When, therefore, it was remembered that this sum was available to govern 2,500 Europeans and, in a most primitive manner, to supervise some 115,000 natives, no question could remain as to its sufficiency or the perfect ability of the colony to support itself. The proof lay in the fact that, even under the expensive and cumbrous system imposed upon them, they had met every demand in full, and how expensive this really was would appear upon reference to their estimates. At the head appeared £4,000 for a Governor out of a revenue of £100,000; while Victoria only paid £10,000 out of £5,500,000, New South Wales £7,000 out of £7,000,000, New Zealand £7,500 out of £4,000,000, Queensland and South Australia £5,000 out of £2,000,000, Tasmania £3,500 out of £500,000, and Western Australia £2,500 out of £250,000. Again, the list concluded with such expensive luxuries as "ten cadets"—"indescribable somethings"—"at £200 each, £2,000;" and, in short, as a general evidence, it needed only to be mentioned that out of the £97,000 estimated expenditure for the year but £9,300 was set down for public works. If, then, they could meet the cost of a system so wasteful, so extravagant, and so altogether out of proportion to their condition as that under which they had been condemned to struggle, no question could surely arise as to their ability to defray the cost of the simpler system of government it was hoped to obtain under the auspices of New Zealand. It was to this extravagant outlay upon the detail of government, at the cost of its solid advantages, the colonists so loudly objected. They had no voice either in the levying or in the expenditure of their own money, and their proposition would simply ask New Zealand to give them this voice, to the end, among other things, that they might keep their expenditure within reasonable bounds. How this might be done would suggest itself on glancing at tho Windward Islands, where, with a Governor-in-Chief at Barbadoes, St. Vincent, Grenada, Tobago, and St. Lucia were administered by LieutenantGovernors or Administrators at from £800 to £1,300 per annum. So also with the Leeward Islands, governed in like manner; and, though Fiji occupied a more important position, it was quite possible to govern it from New Zealand through an Administrator working such a system as would be suitable to its wants and its condition, at a cost inconsiderable by comparison with the present wasteful outlay. That the people could provide this cost without requiring any assistance from New Zealand it would be an easy task for the committee to show. Nevertheless it was necessary that it should be shown, and hence the reference to it in the proposition. Mr. Harman seconded the motion, which passed unanimously. Mr. Hoerder had only to propose the names of certain gentlemen to form the Committee referred to in the last resolution. This might seem an easy task, and yet it was not so easy as it seemed. They wanted not only men of ability and energy, but men who would strain every nerve to effect the object in view. These requisites, he thought, met in the gentlemen he would name; and he would therefore propose that the Committee consist of Mr. Garrick, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Prichard, Mr. Ledingham, Mr. W. I. Thomas, Mr. G. Smith, Mr. D. B. Millar, and Mr. H. Cave, with power to add to their number. Mr. Poulton seconded the motion, which was duly carried. Mr. Drury proposed, and Mr. Bobbie seconded, " That a subscription list be forthwith opened to defray the expense which must necessarily be incurred in the endeavour to bring the matter to a practical issue ; and that lists be forwarded and contributions invited from all parts of the colony." —Carried. Mr. Parr proposed, and Mr. Paul seconded, " That this meeting do now adjourn, and that further meetings be convened by the committee should circumstances render such a course desirable," which was put and carried; and with a vote of thanks to the chair the proceedings terminated. The subscription list was then opened, and a respectable sum was subscribed in the hail.

No. 2. The Peemieb to the Agent-Geneeal. Wellington, 4th May, 1885. Geeat desire Fiji to annex to New Zealand. Ascertain view Colonial Office if we are disposed to entertain. Eobeet Stout.

No. 3. The Agent-Geneeal to the Peemiee. London, 6th May, 1885. Fiji.—Would not entertain proposal at present. F. D. Bell.

No. 4. The Peemiee to T. H. Pbichabd, Esq. Sie,— Premier's Office, Wellington, New Zealand, 18th May, 1885. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 15th April, informing me of the steps which are being taken in Fiji for its incorporation with this colony.

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Immediately I received it, as the matter was one of Imperial concern, I communicated by telegram with the Agent-General in London, asking him to ascertain the views of the Colonial Office as to annexation, and I received a reply, a few days ago, stating that the Imperial Government would not entertain the proposal at present. I shall recommend His Excellency the Governor to present the papers to Parliament, whose members lam sure will feel gratified at the friendly feeling shown by Fiji towards the colony; and I have only to add that Ministers regret that at present the matter cannot be considered. T. H. Prichard, Esq., I have, &c, Honorary Secretary, Annexation Committee, Levuka, Fiji. Eobeet Stout.

Authority: Gbobge Didbbuey, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBBs.

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1885. NEW ZEALAND.

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

No. 5. The Agent-Geneeal to the Peemiee. Sib, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 7th May, 1885. I received in due course your telegram of the 4th instant, stating that a great desire existed in Fiji for annexation to New Zealand, and directing me to ascertain the views of the Colonial Office in the event of your Government being disposed to entertain the question of such annexation. I communicated at once with the Colonial Office, but had no doubt of the answer I should receive. It would be impossible for any proposal for any change in the position of Fiji to be even taken into consideration here without its being laid before the Imperial Parliament; and at present there is not the slightest chance of either House consenting to remove Fiji from its status as a Crown colony. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

No. 6. The Peemieb to F. H. Peichaed, Esq. Sik ; — Premier's Office, Wellington, 23rd July, 1885. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter and the petition from Fiji for annexation, which I yesterday, as you will see by the enclosed Order Paper, presented to Parliament, which is now in session. You will also see that on Friday, the 24th instant, I shall move for a Select Committee to consider it and the general position of the Eastern Pacific Islands in their relation to this colony. The petition has been also presented to the Legislative Council, but as yet nothing has been done by that body in connection with it. I have, &c, F. H. Prichard, Esq., Hon. Secretary, Annexation Committee, Eobeet Stout. Levuka, Fiji.

No. 7. F. H. Peichaed, Esq., to the Peemiee. g IE) Annexation Committee, Levuka, 6th August, 1885. I have the honour to forward herewith a supplementary list of signatures to the petition praying for the support and assistance of the New Zealand Parliament in the endeavour to obtain the incorporation of Fiji with that colony. There are still lists to follow, which will go forward by next mail. The Committee note with satisfaction the action already taken with respect to the matter, and return you their hearty thanks for the assistance rendered. I have, &c, F. H. Peichaed, Hon. Eobert Stout, Premier, Wellington, New Zealand. Hon. Secretary.

CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE DESIRE OP FIJI TO BE INCORPORATED WITH NEW ZEALAND.) [In continuation of A.-4a. of 1885.]

A.—4a.*

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No. 8. The Peemieb to F. H. Peichaed, Esq. Sie, — Premier's Office, Wellington, 18th August, 1885. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, enclosing a supplementary list of signatures to the petition for the incorporation of Fiji with New Zealand, and to inform you that I last night presented it to Parliament. I may inform you that a Committee is now sitting to consider the question of the relation of the Pacific Islands to this colony, and I will not fail to send you a copy of their report. I have, &c, F. H. Prichard, Esq., Hon. Secretary, Annexation Committee, Eobeet Stout. Levuka, Fiji.

By Authority : Geobge Didsbuby, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBBs.

A —4a.**

1885. NEW ZEALAND.

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

No. 9. F. H. Peichaed, Esq., to the Peemiee. Sib,— Levuka, Bth July, 1885. I have the honour, by direction of the Committee, to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 18th May, expressing compliance with the request formerly preferred that you would kindly undertake the presentation of its petition to Parliament, and explaining that, for reasons stated, the matter cannot at present be further considered. Of this consent the Committee now gladly avails itself, though, as may be understood, it would have been gratified to have received an assurance of more active support. It does not, however, fail to realize the difficulty created by the refusal of the Imperial Government to entertain the proposal at present, but it trusts that such representations may yet be made by your Government as will eventfully convert this refusal into a consent. Cherishing this hope, I have the honour to forward herewith the petition in duplicate for presentation to both Houses of Parliament, and to bespeak for it your warmest sympathy and support consistent with surrounding circumstances. In consequence of our imperfect interinsular postal communication the full returns have not yet been received from all the provinces. It has, however, been decided to forward the petition in its present form to avoid further loss of time, and to send on the supplementary sheets by following steamer. Thanking you in the name of the Committee for the courtesy of your replies, and for the kindly interest you have displayed in the matter, I have, &c., F. H. Peichaed, The Hon. Eobert Stout, Premier, New Zealand. Secretary.

Authority: Geobge Didsbtjry, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBBs

CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. (FURTHER CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE DESIRE OF FIJI TO BE INCORPORATED WITH NEW ZEALAND.) [In continuation of A.-4A* of 1885.]