OFFERS OF MILITARY ASSISTANCE BY THE COLONIES TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT (CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE).

Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1885 Session I, A-07

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1885. NEW ZEALAND,

OFFERS OF MILITARY ASSISTANCE BY THE COLONIES TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT (CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE).

Presented to both Houses of the General Assembly by Command of His Excellency.

No. 1. The Acting Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. I foewaed you copy of telegram which I have this day sent to our Agent-General. " This Government offers to Her Majesty's Government two batteries of our permanent field artillery, with ten sixteen-pound guns properly horsed, also an effective disciplined battalion of infantry, five hundred strong. The artillery will be under command of Colonel Boberts, 8.A., and whole force under command of Colonel Bichardson, Commandant. Can undertake to land force at Suakim within thirty days from embarkation. Beply at once." William Bede Dalley. 12th February, 1885.

No. 2. The Peemiee, New Zealand, to the Acting Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney. Hbaetily congratulate you on your patriotic offer of assistance, which reflects credit on all the Australasian Colonies. Bobeet Stout. 13th February, 1885. ra ____ m ____ OTra

No. 3. The Acting Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. Have just had following telegram in answer to offer of military assistance to England: "Have shown your message to Lords Derby and Hartington. Your offer greatly appreciated, and will be at once considered. Operations in the Soudan expected will have to be deferred, as getting late in season. Sent your offer to Press." 13th February, 1885. "William B. Dalley.

No. 4. The Acting Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. Have just received the following cable from our Agent-General: " Her Majesty's Government accepts with much satisfaction offer of your Government, upon the understanding that force must be placed absolutely under orders of General Commanding as to duties upon which it will be employed. Force of artillery is greater than required. Only one battery accepted. Transport should call at Aden for orders. lam to inform you, in strict confidence, that plans of General not fully formed, but may probably involve placing troops in summer quarters, after short campaign, from Suakim. After this knowledge, your Government prefer immediate despatch of contingent, War Office does not desire to delay it. Press comment very favourably upon your splendid offer." 16th February, 1885. W. B. Dalley.

No. 5. The Acting Chief Seceetaey, Adelaide, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. Have instructed Agent-General to offer Imperial Government to supply two hundred and fifty infantry, with officers, for service in the Soudan. Would suggest that colonies should unite to form an Australian contingent, as this would be most effective, and desire to add that Major-General Downes would be happy to place his service as commander at the disposal of the colonies. 16th February, 1885. S. Playfokd. I—A. 7.

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No. 6. The Peemiee, Melbourne, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. Be aid to England for Egyptian campaign, Adelaide Government suggests that colonies unite toform an Australian contingent. This Government quite agree, and will be glad to co-operate with other colonies accordingly. We are informed confidentially from New South Wales that British troops Egypt will probably go into quarters during the hot season, which will give time concerted action amongst colonies. Jas. Sebvice. 17th February, 1885. _____________________

No. 7. The Agent-Geneeal to the Peemiee. Sic, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 24th February, 1885. I have the honour to transmit herewith copy of a letter received from the Boyal Colonial Institute, enclosing resolutions adopted at a meeting of the Council respecting the offers of military assistance by the colonies to the British Government. You will perceive that I have been asked to forward the same to New Zealand for the information of the Government. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

Enclosure in No. 7. Sic,— Boyal Colonial Institute, 15, Strand, W.C., 17th February, 1885. I have the honour to append a copy of resolutions concerning the recent offers of military assistance received from the colonies, which were adopted by the Council of the Boyal Colonial Institute at a meeting held this day; and request that you will be so good as to transmit the same to your Government for their information. I have, &c, Sir Francis Dillon Bell, K.C.M.G., Feedeeick Young, Agent-General for New Zealand. Honorary Secretary.

Sub-Enclosure in No. 7. Absolutions adopted by Council of Boyal Colonial Institute, 17th February, 1885. 1. That the Council of the Boyal Colonial Institute have received with great satisfaction the announcement of the spirited and patriotic offers from Canada, New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and Queensland to equip and send military contingents, at their own cost, to the Soudan, to assist the British Government in the military operations now being carried on in that country. The Council view this action on.the part of the various colonies as an earnest proof of their generous sympathy with the Mother-country, and of their strong desire to maintain the permanent unity of the Empire. They trust that the Home Government will hearily respond to these noble offers. 2. That copies of the foregoing resolution be forwarded to the Bight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and to each of the Agents-General for the colonies.

No. 8. The Peemiee, New Zealand, to the Peemiee, Melbourne. We have carefully considered the question of despatching a force to the Soudan, and we have come to the conclusion we cannot take action without the sanction of Parliament. 3rd March, 1885. Boeeet Stout.

No. 9. The Peemiee to the Acting Chief Seceetaey, Adelaide. [Same as No. B.]

No. 10. The Agent-Geneeal to the Peemiee. Sic, — 7, Westminster Chambers, London, S.W., 24th March, 1885. I transmit to you herewith a Times report of what took place in the House of Lords on the 16th instant, when the Earl of Wemyss and March moved an address to the Queen relating to the offers of troops made by the Australian Colonies. Her Majesty's answer was brought up last night in the following terms: "I have received your loyal and dutiful address. The generous offers of military service made to me by my colonies and by India have given me the liveliest satisfaction. I have cordially accepted the assistance thus loyally tendered, and I trust that it will be found practicable to despatch contingents from several colonies for service with my army during the present year. The patriotic sympathy and spirit which have been displayed on this occasion in different parts of my united Empire have given me the highest gratification." Although New Zealand is not one of the colonies offering troops, you will appreciate, I am sure, the good feeling shown by Lord Wemyss towards them all, and Her Majesty's gracious message in reply. I have, &c., The Hon. the Premier, Wellington. F. D. Bell.

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Enclosure in No. 10. . From the Times, Tuesday, 17th March, 1885.] The Colonial Contingents. The Eael of Wemyss moved, That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty humbly thanking Her Majesty for having graciously accepted the loyal offer of military service from New South Wales, and expressing the satisfaction with which this House has heard the announcement that like loyal offers of military service from other colonies, and also from India, will, should occasion arise, be duly accepted. He said that this motion appeared to be a natural supplement to what had already been said in the House that evening with reference to a colonial navy. He believed the motion to be one that would commend itself to the most favourable consideration of their lordships. Amid the innumerable troubles that had recently come upon this country, they could look with pride and satisfaction at the general conduct of their army in the field, and at the courage, the discipline, and the endurance of their troops under the most trying circumstances. They could also look with pride at the enthusiasm with which all ranks and all conditions of their soldiers had left for the seat of war. If there was one thing at the present time that was more satisfactory than another, it was the fact that our colonies had shown their great love for'the Mother-country in the way in which they had, by coming forward so enthusiastically and offering us assistance. There was a section —happily, but a small section—of politicians, unrepresented in their lordships' House who held that England would be as happy and prosperous if shorn or her colonies, or even if deprived of her Indian Empire. As regarded our Indian Empire, the answer to those who would wish to see India separated from the Empire was given in the hearty offers of assistance which had come from independent Indian princes, and the ready services of the Indian troops in the Soudan. In the last few days the Prime Minister himself had stated that England was united in her determination that the British Empire in India should be maintained. With regard to the separation of the colonies from England, there had never been a time in the history of the world when the ties between us and them had been so strong and so hearty as at the present time. What had we seen lately ? A league for the federation of the colonies had been formed in this country, at the head of which was Mr. Forster, for the purpose of drawing closer the ties and means of defence as between the colonies and the Empire. This question of the federation of the colonies was one upon which there was considerable difference of opinion as to how it should be effected, and, as in the few remarks he intended to make he did not wish to enter into any controversial question, he would not not go into the question of what would be the best form of federation. There was nothing which could contribute more to the strength of the Empire than the union of the colonies with the Mother-country. He wished to see England strong without hectoring, bullying, or blustering, or unnecessarily seizing unoccupied territory : he wished to see England strong, because he wished to see that Empire, which had been handed- down by those who had gone before them to protect and guard, transmitted, unimpaired, to those who were to come after them. Especially did he wish to see England strong in the interests of peace, because he thought that nothing could contribute more to the peace of the world than the knowledge that England was united and strong, and nothing could contribute to that strength more than some defensive union between the colonies and the Mother-country. The good of all should be the care of each, and the good of each the care of all. Nothing could strengthen the hands of a Foreign Minister more than the knowledge that any foreign country would have not only to deal with the islands in the Northern Seas, but would be face to face with an empire, or, rather, a congeries of empires, scattered over the whole world. The colonies by their action had in a great measure solved the question of federation. If he was rightly informed, members of the Government had been in communication with the Agents-General of the colonies for tho purpose of discussing this question. Be that as it might, he held that the offers made by the colonies formed a great event in our history. No doubt the colonies had on previous occasions come forward with offers of assistance, one instance of which was commemorated in the name of what had formerly been the 100 th Begirnent, now the Boyal Canadians. They had heard that the Australian Colonies had offered material help, but this was the first time that such offers had taken so concrete a form. It was an event pregnant with a great future, and there was a unanimity throughout this country in appreciating the action of the colonies in this matter. He thought that it was desirable that their lordships' House should show what their feelings were, and that there should be some record on their Journals fuller than the casual reference made to the subject in the calling out of the Beserves. He hoped, therefore, that their lordships would do unanimously what he now asked them to do — namely, to agree, " That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty humbly thanking Her Majesty for having graciously accepted the loyal offer of military service from New South Wales ; and expressing the satisfaction with which this House has heard the announcement that the like loyal offers of military service from other colonies, and also from India, will, should occasion arise,, be duly accepted." When they remembered the gracious words addressed by Her Majesty to the colonies with reference to this matter they had the satisfaction of knowing that, in carrying such an address, they would be doing that which met with the sympathy of their Sovereign. Lord Noeton said that he yielded to none in high appreciation of the loyal offers of military cooperation on the part of the colonies, but he thought that it would be a poor compliment to such, revived loyalty to treat it as something new, and so show that we forgot such fellow-citizenship as had enlisted colonists to fight by our side against French armies in America, bearing the cost of their share as we of our own. It would affront the Australians if wo took this offer of military service as a contribution from allies instead of a co-operation of fellow-subjects. They wished their men to be part of the Imperial army. The offer was made in the real spirit of Imperial community, and far more valuable than the impracticable notions of Imperial federation lately thrown out. Our colonial relationship had gone down in estimation to that of Imperial patronage and colonial dependency. A few years ago we had been taxed at Home to the amount of £4,000,000 a year

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for colonial military expenditure, to which the colonies had contributed not a shilling either for local or general defence. This patronage must have soon gone on from degradation to separation. But this happy event shows a return of healthier relations, which alone can make permanent connection, in which they all alike shared in the burdens as well as privileges of citizenship. Wars were called Imperial, as if the colonies were not to be considered part of the Empire. But they wished to be so. Peace and war were in the breast of the common Sovereign only checked by refusal of supples. Their lordships knew as little of the meaning and intention of the present war as the Australians themselves. They could refuse supples towards it, but in the spirit of common citizenship they had nobly voted them, and the Crown might thank them, as the House of Commons. The interests of world-wide commerce were the originating cause of this present war, equally affecting all the British Empire. He wished the Colonial Defence Act of 1865 had more largely drawn out colonial naval service to Her Majesty, as ships of war were furnished a century ago by colonies to George 111. He cordially joined in the satisfaction expressed in the motion, but would add a hope that it might not be so soon forgotten as like former services had been, and that they might take them as services to the Crown in common with our own. Viscount Buey hoped that it would be understood that on both sides and in every quarter of the House the motion made by his noble friend on the cross benches was accepted with enthusiasm. That was a motion which ought to be passed with entire unanimity; and they would only be expressing the feelings of all classes of the community when they gave expression to the sentiments of pleasure to which his noble friend had referred. He could not but feel somewhat sorry that his noble friend had thought it right to diverge from the main subject on which they were all agreed to that of the question of a federation of the Empire, which his noble friend behind him had taken up. For himself, he belived that the federation of the Empire was a fait accompli now; that what they now witnessed was really the habitual feeling on the part of the colonies, and that whenever any danger arose to England that sentiment would always come to the front and would animate all their English-speaking colonies. He confessed that he was sorry that the noble earl at the head of the Colonial Office did not accept the services of all the colonies in a somewhat different manner. It would have made all the difference in the world if all the offers from all the colonies had been accepted, and if they had been informed that it was merely a question of military expediency when those offers should be made to take effect. The Earl of Wemyss explained that, though he had made a passing allusion to the Federation League, he had carefully avoided going into that question at all. The Earl of Debby (who was indistinctly heard) said, I quite agree with the noble lord who -spoke last that this is a motion which it it is eminently desirable that we should attend to with absolute unanimity and without the introduction of any controversial matters. It is a motion to which the members of the Government can entertain no objection, because it is one approving of the course which they had thought it right to advise Her Majesty to take ; and for that very reason it is obviously a motion which we could not have initiated, its chief importance arising from its being the expression of an entirely independent feeling on the part of the members of this House. If the motion had been likely to lead to any discussion of a controversial character, I certainly should not have advised or encouraged the noble lord on the cross benches to bring it forward, and I think that he himself would have been animated by the same feeling. Although the motion is in its terms an expression of approval of the course taken by the Government, I consider that the compliment involved in the words of the motion to be only in form addressed to us, and to be really intended, as we all know, for those colonies whose patriotic and public-spirited offers we are all anxious to recognize. We have only had to accept those offers ; we have done it willingly, and we have in both Houses of Parliament endeavoured —I myself in your lordships' House, and the First Lord of the Treasury in the other House, in far more eloquent language than any I could command —to give expression to what I believe is the unanimous feeling of every party and every class in this country—namely, our cordial gratitude for and admiration of the display of loyalty and public spirit made by the colonies. This motion only confirms and emphasizes the language held on the part of Her Majesty's Government. The noble lord touched very lightly on an expression of regret that somewhat different answers were sent to different colonies. On a former occasion I explained —and I would explain it again if it were necessary —that that difference in the answers arose simply from the different conditions on which the various offers were made. Ido not think it is necessary that I should refer now to what the noble earl on the cross benches said as to the existence of a school whose object is to get rid of the colonies. I have heard a great deal of denunciation of that school; but, having sat for a considerable time in this and in the other House of Parliament, and watched the progress of opinion on the question, I cannot say that I ever remember to have heard that sentiment expressed by any person of the slightest importance or consideration. What I know many people did say thirty years ago was that they believed that, were the more important colonies which had obtained free institutions—and there were not many such then —unwilling to remain in the Empire, it would not be our duty or our interest to retain them by force ; but I never heard any one in this or the other House of Parliament say that it was our duty or our interest to turn out of the Empire colonies which desired to remain connected with it of their own free will. We have seen that the effect of the grant of those free institutions, and of leaving those colonies to manage their own local affairs in their own way, has not been, as some predicted it would, to weaken, but rather to strengthen, the ties between the colonies and the Mother-country ; and I do not believe that there was ever a time when they were more closely connected with or more warmly attached to the Empire than they are at this moment. Neither shall Igo into the very interesting question of federation to which the noble lord alluded. Federation is a word of many meanings, which is used by different speakers in different senses. We have proof of that in what we have heard this evening; and no one who has paid any attention to what has occurred at public meetings can fail to have noticed that when . men express their wish for federation on the one hand, or their disbelief in federation on the other, they are talking of

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quite different things, and that they have no one definite plan before them. If federation means only a voluntary co-operation for purposes of defence—which is the interpretation put on it by the noble lord opposite—then I agree with him that we have it now, and I hope that we may have it for long. If, on the other hand, it means a system of federal union founded on fixed and settled rules such as those which exist in the case of the United States of America, then I think that we had better wait to discuss propositions of that kind until we have them before us in some practical shape. Expressing my own personal and individual opinion, Ido not think that that will bo very soon. I will not go into the subject, but an obvious difficulty in the way of any scheme of formal federation lies in the immense disproportion between the number of inhabitants of the British Islands and the number in the colonies. In these islands you have a population of some thirty-five to thirty-six millions, whereas there are only eight or nine millions in all the English-speaking colonies ; and if you form an Imperial Council—call it by what name you please—and if in that Council every part of the Empire is to be represented in proportion to its population and its importance, the result would be that the representatives of the British Islands would carry everything their own way, and the colonists, even if they were united to a man, would be absolutely outvoted. If, therefore, such a body had powers of taxation, I do not say that you would altogether have a system of taxation without representation, but you would have what was practically very nearly the same thing. With reference to some of the proposals which have been made, I can only say that they could not be carried out without introducing changes in the Constitution as regards the relations between the Executive and the Legislature far wider than any which have yet been made. But it ought not to be considered that those who do not see their way to any plan of federation are, on that account, indifferent to the extreme importance of consolidating the various parts of the Empire. But, returning to what is immediately before us, I do not think I ought to sit down without mentioning what more properly belongs to my noble friend (the Earl of Kimberley)—namely, the loyal assistance which has been offered by several of the native princes of India. Such expressions of loyalty and good feeling on the part of persons situated as they are are of the highest possible importance, and not merely as a matter of sentiment but of practical service. I anticipate that your lordships will, without opposition, accept the motion of the noble earl; and, when the news is telegraphed out, as it will be, to those distant provinces which are most concerned, I have no doubt that the record of respect and gratitude which you have paid to the colonists will be received by them in the same spirit in which it is offered. The Marquis of Salisbuby.—l only rise to confirm the statement of the noble earl. I shall not travel into any of the adventitious and somewhat controversial matters which have gathered round this motion. All I think it necessary to say is, that there has been very strong feeling in this country in response to the exhibition of affectionate sympathy which has reached us from the colonies; that there is no subject on which this country feels so strongly as their desire that cordial relations of amity and goodwill should exist between them and those of their own race in other parts of Her Majesty's dominions. That feeling has been eminently gratified by the exhibition of loyalty and patriotism which the colonists have shown. We are very grateful to the native princes of India, as the noble earl has said, for having also exhibited their affection for the Empire under which they have so long been protected, and to the people who have done their utmost to maintain their interests and promote their welfare. But, of course, we feel still more strongly such indications of good feeling when they come from our own blood—from those who have so lately quitted our own shores. I think the feeling is universal that in acting as they have done the colonists have shown that they are true Englishmen, and have behaved in a manner worthy of the race from which they have sprung, and the splendid empire of which they form so important a factor. The Earl of Wemyss wished to make it clear that he had put the motion down without consulting any member of their lordships' House. The motion was agreed to.

No. 11. The Peemiee, New Zealand, to the Peemiee, Sydney. It would gratify our Government if you could permit us in any way to show honour to your troops on their return. Will you, if the idea is agreeable to you, suggest any plan by which it may be possible to show that this colony feels that the despatch of the New South Wales troops, and their conduct during the campaign, have done honour to this colony as one of the Australian group ? 21st May, 1885. Bobebt Stout.

No. 12. The Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney, to the Peemiee, New Zealand. We are very much gratified at the touching expression of your sympathy, and shall feel it as a great compliment if, on the festival of the return of our contingent, your colony honours them and us by some representation of your feeling. Could we look for the favour of a visit from yourself on the occasion? Alex. Stuaet, 21st May, 1885. Colonial Secretary. 2—A. 7.

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No. 13. The Peemiee to the Colonial Seceetaey, Sydney. Eegbet that through our Parliament meeting early in June I shall be unable to visit Sydney. We propose to send a representative, however, who will convey our congratulations. When do you expect the arrival of the contingent at Sydney? Bobert Stout. 23rd May, 1885.

No. 14. The Peemiee to the Agent-Geneeal. Sib, — Premier's Office, Wellington, 22nd May, 1885. In reference to the meeting of the Agents-General for the colonies, held at the War Office on the 3rd March last, regarding the offer of troops to Her Majesty's Government by the colonies for operation in the Soudan, it occurs to me to explain to you why this Government made no offer on the subject. The Colonial Office has stated, in reply to the offers from the Colonies of Victoria, South Australia, and Queensland, that, even if their offers were accepted, the troops would only be required for an autumn campaign. As our Parliament was to be in session in May or June, it seemed to us that there would be time to deal with the question after the session commenced, and that there was no need to anticipate the decision of Parliament. You will have seen, by the telegram forwarded to me by the Hon. Mr. Dalley, on our receipt of the intelligence of the offer of troops by the Sydney Government, that we felt that New South Wales had done honour to the colonies by the offer it had made. It is scarcely necessary to add how gratified we continued to be at the brilliantly prompt manner in which that colony was able to give effect to its offer when accepted. All that could immediately be done having been effected by New South Wales, we, as I have said, saw no reason for action without consulting Parliament, though you will of course understand that, in case of emergency, we should have held ourselves justified in taking immediate action. I may point out to you that a dangerous precedent would be established if the Government, without the sanction of Parliament, and in the absence of immediate urgency, pledged the colony to large expenditure, and to so important a step as sending troops out of the colony. You are at liberty to mention to the Bight Hon. the Secretary of State that the Government had come to the conclusion to recommend Parliament to approve of an offer being made to Her Majesty's Government to provide 1,000 well-trained men for service in India or elsewhere, in the event of war with Bussia. I have, &c, Sir F. Dillon Bell, K.C.M.G., Agent-General, &c. Bobebt Stout.

No. 15. The Peemiee to Colonel Haultain. The Government wish you, if agreeable, to proceed to Sydney to represent them in welcoming the New South Wales contingent on its return, which will be about the 11th or 12th June. If convenient, could you go by the " Manapouri " on the 2nd? Bobebt Stout. 27th May, 1885.

No. 16. Colonel Haultain to the Peemiee. I shall be ready to proceed to Sydney by the " Manapouri " on the 2nd June. Thanking the Government for the honour conferred. 27th May, 1885. T. M. Haultain.

No. 17. The Peemiee, New Zealand, to the Peemiee, Sydney. Sic,— Premier's Office, Wellington, 27th May, 1885. This will introduce to you the Hon. Colonel Haultain, who has consented to represent the Government on the interesting occasion of the return of the New South Wales contingent from the Soudan. It would have afforded me very much pleasure to have been present, but Parliament meets on the 11th June, so that it would have been quite impossible for either my colleagues or myself to be away. However, we consider Colonel Haultain, who is an old Minister of the Crown, a gallant soldier, and otherwise a most distinguished colonist, will ably represent us. I have, &c, The Hon. the Premier, Sydney, New South Wales. Bobebt Stout.

By Authority: Geoege Didsbuby, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBBs

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No. 18. The Seceetaey of State to Governor Sir W. F. D. Jeevois. Sic— Downing Street, 18th May, 1885. I have the honour to transmit to you for communication to your Government a copy of a letter which has been received from the Boyal Colonial Institute respecting a memorial which has been largely and influentially signed in this country, thanking Her Majesty's subjects in the colonies for the generous offers made to send troops for service in the field, together with a copy of the reply which I caused to be returned to this letter. I have, &c, Governor Sir W. F. D. Jervois, G.C.M.G., C.8., &c. Deeby.

Enclosure 1 in No. 18. The Boyal Colonial Institute to the Colonial Office. My Loed— 6th May, 1885. I have the honour to forward your Lordship the following information of the result of the recent appeal to the people of the United Kingdom to join in a letter of thanks to our countrymen and kindred beyond the seas who have offered men for active service. A few weeks since copies of a memorial were forwarded from the Boyal Colonial Institute to various public bodies throughout the United Kingdom, including the Mayors and Provosts of the principal towns of England, Ireland, and Scotland, requesting them to use their influence in obtaining signatures to it in their various localities, and to return it to me not later than the Ist of May. The memorial was as follows: " We, the undersigned subjects of the Queen resident in the Old Country, desire to express our gratitude to our countrymen and kindred beyond the sea for the generous offer they have made to send troops for active service. We have always believed that our ties of blood and common love of freedom would keep the Empire ono and indivisible. We thank you for this proof that our faith is founded on truth." To this appeal a most gratifying and remarkable response has been returned. I have received a total of more than twenty thousand signatures to the memorial " from all sorts and conditions of men." These include the names of men of all parties in politics and all classes in society. Animated by the desire to let it be known how warmly they recognize this splendid and disinterested act on the part of the colonies of Great Britain towards the mother-country in her hour of need, peers, members of Parliament, judges of the Supreme Court, justices of the peace, mayors of towns and members of town councils and corporations, masters of city companies, professors of universities and men of science and literature, barristers, poets, authors, artists, clergy of all denominations, merchants, bankers, traders, artisans, labourers, and others have signed it. In many cases the mayors of provincial towns have affixed the corporate seal and signed the memorial " on behalf of the inhabitants." It is evident from the readiness with which the signatures have everywhere been attached to this "letter of thanks," that, large and representative as has been the number of names obtained, want of opportunity alone has prevented tens of thousands more of the people of the United Kingdom signing it, in order to express their warm appreciation of the noble, generous, and patriotic conduct of our countrymen and kindred beyond the sea which has evoked it. I have, &c, Feedebick Young, The Bight Hon. the Earl of Derby, KG., Honorary Secretary. Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies.

Enclosure 2 in No. 18. The Colonial Office to the Boyal Colonial Institute. Sib,— Downing Street, 13th May, 1885. I am directed by the Earl of Derby to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, showing the result of the recent appeal to the people of the United Kingdom to join in a letter of thanks to Her Majesty's subjects in the colonies who have offered troops for active service abroad. Lord Derby has received with pleasure this further evidence of the satisfaction which the patriotic action of the colonies has given to the people of this country, and his Lordship will transmit a copy of your letter to the Governors of those colonies from which the offers were, received. I have, &c, Frederick Young, Esq. John Beamston.

By Authority: Geobge Didsbuby, Government Printer, Wellington.—lBBs.