Mr F. A. Whitaker at Te Awamutu.

Waikato Times, Volume XVII, Issue 1447, 11 October 1881, Page 2

Mr F. A. Whitaker at Te Awamutu.

Pursuant to advertisement, the member for Waipa addressed a meeting of the Te Awamutu section of his electorate in tha Volunteer Hall the afternoon of Saturday. Despite the fact that the hour for' which the meeting was convened was somewhat inconvenient for the attendance of business people, there was a fair muster, about 60 persons being present. ihe chair was occupied by Mi" R. Bosanko, who, in introducing the member, bespoke a fair heating to the ficcount about to be given of his three years term of office. Mr Whitaker, who was well received, said he did not intend to detain theoi at any great' length on that occasion, for two reasons : In the first place he apprehended that there were a number of persons preseut who were prepared to put specifio questions to him anent the subject of his representation, and by that means they would be the better able to gain the enlfghtenment on parliamentary questions which he was there in pursuance of his desire to have imparted to them. A good deal of time, he assumed, might be occupied in that way, consequently it became the more requisite for him to oonfine his address within the narrowest possible limits : HiB second reason was, and this was ore for which he had no doubt they would sympathise with him, last season of Parliament had been essentially a period of talk. It was a perpetual talk. Had they been in Wellington like him, and been compelled to sit and listen hour after hour for three four and five ] hours at a time, aye and sometime-* all j night to the useless torrent of talk which in a characteristic degree distinguished , the late session of >Pailiame«t, they would he had no doubt, concur with him in regarding brevity as thp soul of business, and fully.arquise in his 1 proposal to be as brief and ronci«e as possible consistent with a due regard to the information and enlightment ho was there to impart to them relative to the woik of the past three sessions of Parliament. (Applause). He would make one remark moro by way of preliminary. He wished them distinctly to understand that he was only there on that occasion to deal with the past, and his sole aim would be to Confine his address to the things that had transpired in the past that was since tbe date of his election as their representative on the 13th September, 1879. He was not there with respect to the future. He was not there on a electoral tour. That would come in due time. No doubt they had seen by the newspapers that he was a candidate for re-election for the Waipa seat, and when the proper time came— the writs were about being issued for the coming election — he would do himself the honor of again waiting on them and when he so came to pay a visit to them he would deal with the future, and he could assure them he would so deal with the future as he now proposed dealing with the past, that was, unreservedly. In a word, he was there to hand over the trust they had reposed in him at his election in 1879, and at the same time to render a full and faithful account of the manner in which he had discharged his duty in relation to that trust. (Applause). When he appeared before them soliciting their suffrage in 1879, they might remember he told them there were a number of large and important questions then agitating the mind of the country. There were, amongst others, the question of manhood suffrage, representation re-adjusted on a population ba&in, and triennial Parliaments — curtailing the duration of their parliamentary term to a period of three years. He had now the satisfaction of being enabled to report to this constituency that these large and liberal measures had all become law. (Applause.) He questioned very much if there was another country in the whole of the world where questions so large, so important— measures of such magnitude as the measures passed by the New Zealand Legislature — had been passed in the same short space of time. He told them when he was there to solicit their support that the attainment of these great objects would have his best endeavour.*, and he was now amongst them to state in how far he had redeemed that pledore. The first of these measures dealt with was the triennial Parliament'^ question. That v\ as one of the first measures dealt with in the first session of the Parliament— the session of 1879. When in committee great attempts were made by members on both sides of the House to get the firt-t Parliament extonded so a° to make it extend into the quinquenial period instead of expiring at the close of the third session. On that ground a very bold stand was taken, and the point was contested with a very great deal of spirit and determination. In company with Mr de Lautour, a gentleman for whom by the way he had all along entertained a very high respect, he fought the point inch by inch, and debated the matter hour by hour. They divided the House on every clause, and otherwise resorted to such constitutional forms as would the better enable them to get effect given to their purpose, that was, the original intention of the bill as brought down. The result was that they eventually succeeded in carrying their point and getting the measure passed into low a strictly speaking three sessional Parliament. So much then for the triennial Parliaments. It was in virtue of that measure that their term of office had been curtailed to throe years, and that the electors would have an opportunity for re-electing their members within the next few weeks. (Applause.) They would, no doubt, recollect that when he came before this constituency as a candidate he advocated the relief of the customs duties by the imposition of a more direct mode of taxation. That view had also been given effect to by the Legislature. A property tax had been imposed with a £500 exemption clause, and that, he contended, was a much fairer method of taxation than the taxation imposed through the customs duties. It placed the burden of taxation upon the property holders of the country, making proVision for a reasonable exemption under the £500 exemption clause. Then again provision had also been made for raising money by the imposition of a tax on beer. It was only fair that luxuries should be made to bear taxation, and he had no doubt that they would agree with him in regarding the consumption of beer aa a luxury, and as- such it was but fair that it shbnld be made to yield a tax. Indeed the true principle ' of taxation fully endorsed this mode as being much preferable to the tax on tea, sugar, clothes, and such like , articles of that description. (Applause). In the session of, 1879, another important- measure waa passed, by which equal electoM rights were provided for all classes of the community. Prior to that date, the qualification was a terribly mixed state of things. There was the lodgers franchise the house- ' holders franchise, the lease and freeholder franchise., They 'were all huddled up in a terribly mixed state until one hardly cnevr what wa& Vhat. In fact ,one hardly "Imew what he was, or what he was, not entitled to vote under. And.4b.en t again 'th'e^re Was a vejfy "^ref t'tiiassMjf thVpopu* lation who were ri&t able to obtain ajvote at all. It was' therefore'- ihotight prudent > that the electoral rights should be. better .

Refined. and-4he result*o:f the new act was that, every person- is entitled to a vote provided he has been 1 2 months in the colony, and resided within the particular constituency for which he claims during 'the immediately preceding six tnonths. With, these very pimple restrictions every male person of the age of 21 years was entitled to a vote, and a voice in the government of the country. That, they would readily understand, was a condition of things quite equal to manhood suffrage. That act was passed in the session of 1879. This was alluded to as another striking example of the strong tendency which had set ia in favor of a liberal policy. It was quite true the measure had not passed without some trouble, and indeed after a very considerable struggle. Still that was a mere nothing. It was a great reform, a reform which in older countries had taken very m*my years to pass. (Applause). The fourth thing of importance transacted that session was a measure the importance of which was nofc generally understood, he alluded to the Revision of Statutes Act. He would explain to them as well as he could the real value and importance of that measure. There was not perhaps a single individual present in that room who would not agree with him in the opinion that the pressnt condition of their statute law was exceedingly unsatisfactory. It was so complotely mixed up and re-distributerl throughout auts and amendment acts that it was utterly impossible for the general public to form anything like an adequate conception of the law under and by virtue of which they were governed. That might be in one respect a professional advantage to himself as a proiessional man, and also to the other professional gentleman whom he saw present amongst theta, but to the general public it was a very grave disadvantage indeed. In the part he took in getting this act passed he trusted, however, they would give him credit for taking 1 the broad view of the subject, seeing that he had gono outside of the professional aspect of the question, and insisted upon the interests of the public being conserved, and tho various enactments and portions of enactments brought together and embodied into one statute. Tho revision of statutes, he might explain to them, was a first step towards what was known as a codification of the statute law. Each branch of the law is brought together and, as it were, embodied within itself. In order to attain that end it was requisite that this revision of statutes should bo given effect to aa a first step leading up to it. He had been appointed a member of the statutes revision committee, and* he could lay claim to have been one of the most regular attendants upon its transactions. It meant the consolidation of seven, eight, or perhaps ten or even fifteen acts, ai the case might be, bringing the whole together, and embodying it into one consolidated law. That was the first step, aa he had already told them, in the direction of a codification, and he felt quite justified in touching upon the subject, as it was undoubtedly one of the more important measures passed in the first session of the Parliament. These were some of the things they had, when they elected him their representative, sent him to do, and he now appeared there before them/after the lapse of two years, and had the satisfaction of informing them that these things had become law. They had sent him into Parliament to do them, and now he came before them, and had the pleasure of telling them that they had been clone. (Applause.) In the session of ISSO another most important measure was passed, \iz., the Election Petitions Act. Under the previous state of things a petition, challenging the return of a member, was forwarded to tho House, and the House proceeded to deal with it in this way. A committee of selection to try the allegations contaiued in the petition was appointed by the Speaker, who caused a list with the names of all the members to be made out, excepting only those of the Speaker himself and the Chairman of Committees. Each party was then allowed to name one member from the list, and the two members so named became membeis of the committee. Tho Speaker was allowed to name some one of the members on the list, who acted as chairman. Each party, the petitioner commencing, then proceeded to strike off the name of one man from the list till the number was reduced to four, which four, together with the members named as aforesaid and the chairman, constituted the committee. Of course the first thing done under that arrangement was to strike out the best class of names, and the result was the trial of these petitions genexally lesulted in a mere farce. This was particularly conspicuous in the case of the election petition piesenred against Sir George Grey iv connection with his election for Chriatchurch. It was well known he had 'never been a partizan of that gentleman's, still he must admit that on the occasion referred to the whole of the proceedings had been gone about most irregularly. They kept striking 1 out all the beat names, one of the Maori members being kept in amongst those retained. (Laughter). He mentioned that fact in proof of the absurdities consequent upon the way in which this form of process had previously been conducted. In fact the whole proceeding was conducted in a party spirit. Under the act passed in 1880, petitions of this kind are referred to the Supreme Court, where they are tried, and where trialsof this kind are regulated with all the formalities provided for the disposal of civil cases or the trial for murder, the whole thing being- entrusted to the determination of an impartial judge. Then again, there was another measure passed that session which might or might not be of importance to some of them as individuals. It was a very little bill, but it was nevertheless fraught with a big question of social importance. The Deceased Wife's Sister's Marriage Act was referred to. Despite the tact that in England a great fight had been made for legislation of a similar kind, it had not been secured. Here, hawever, in New Zealand, it had got into law, and he had the satisfaction of informing them that, if they were so minded, there was no legal obstacle to any of them marrying a deceased wife's sister. (Laughter). He now came down to the business of the last session. One of the first measures of that session was the passing of a bill upon which he had given them a most distinct pledge. He himself looked ujon it as a most important measure, and one which would exercise material influence upon the industrial classes of the colony. He referred to the restriction of Chinese into • New Zealand. He did not expect there were many present who studied the pages of Hansard very closely, and he might therefore be excused if he referred at some length to the action he had taken in connection with the passing of this measure. He had pointed out that this was a measure of large liberal significance, and one which was of special application to the bone and sinew of the place. He had all along contended that it was nob right to bring persons of different habits, temperament,' aud trained under quite different habits of civilisation — men, foreigners alike, in their tastes and pursuits, into, competition with this race. .The competition was a most unequal one. He argued that the accumulation of weajth was .not the great aim of legislation, but thy greatest amount bf happiness to the greatest "number 'of persons! 'The introduction' of Chinese in iarge nimibers into this colony would have had quite a

conttepy effect. ~lt would tend-to.cut jtjp the conl'munity into two distinct classes. The European laborer unable to compete with the Chinaman upon equal terms would jbe driven away out of the plabe altogether, and the moneyed elasaes made richer and richer by this influx of cheap, if not starvation labor. He pointed to the home country and asked them to say whether her interests had been rendered great and prosperous by the introduction of an alien nation, and as there could be only one reply given to that question, he asked them to pause before countenancing the introduction of such a state of things into this young community. (Applause). The Premier followed him, his remarks being to the effect that he had nothing more to say on the subject, and the bill became law. (Applause). He was disposed if the thing could have been attempted with any degree of safety to have made the restrictions imposed by the bill even more stringent than they wero. He was quite prepared to have gone the length of fixing the impost at £100 per head, but then came the question that that would be regarded as too stringent, and the objects of the bill defeated .altogether. The Queensland bill for Chinese restriction was assented to by the Imperial authorities with some reservation, and there was just the possibility that if the New Zealand Legislature had made theirs much more stringent it would have been disallowed altogether. His opinion was that the act as it stood would have the effect' of checking the influx they so much dreaded. It was at all events a step in the right direction, and if not altogether effective it might yet be made so. Another very important measure, and one which had exercised the mind of the Legislature for along time— the Licensing Act — likewise passed during the List session. The main principle of that bill was the local option clause. By that clause the administration of the ' act Avas vested in the people. It,remained for them to say whether publichouses should be opened or closed. He did not apprehend any undue preponderance would be eieated in' this way. Both the Good Templars and good tipplers would be equally active in the election of licensing committees, f-o that the chances were that t,l>e whole thing wouid pretty equ illy adj ust itself. If there was an error it would be an error on the snfo bide. The error would he with the peoplo themselves, and to huch errors the people as a iulo were wonderfully forbearing. That clause was not introduced into the bill as originally framed, and, as it happened, it got in one night, and that the only night during 1 the whole session on which he had been absent. The clause watj brought down when the bill was in committee by Sir William Fox, and, strange to say, it passed by a laige majority, no one being more surprised than Fox himself. Under this provit-ion of the act the whole colony will be re-divided into licencing 1 districts, the present boroughs, counties and wards of counties, road boards, and other existing eub-'divisions being adopted as the licensing districts. Each district will then elect its licensing bench, and, as he already had said, the two great contending elements would then be called into requisition. He next referred to the Representation Bill, which had been adjusted on a population basis. No doubt they had all heard a great deal about that measure and the transactions connected, with its passage through Parliament. When he last appeared before them he explained the anomalies of the late Representation Act at some length. He showed them that there weie electorates in the colony containing not more than 1600 electors, returning a member while there were others containing as many as 14,000 only returning one members A state of matters like that was manifestly unfair. It was absolutely necessary that there should be something like equality. Clashing, as it was found to do, with individual interests, steps were taken to kill the bill. Although in some respect it was not all that could be desired, still the principle of the bill and the bill itself m the main was correct, and he had therefore steadily voted in favour of the bill, and if placed in the same position he would do the very same tiling again. (Applause). He quite understood that the effect of tho bill would be to increase the representation for the South Island, still he contended, in the face of that fact, that the right thing had been done. The bill madeprovision for the election of seven additional members. Auckland got one, Wellington got one, and the remaining five were distributed amongsi Otago and Canterbury, so that the allocation as between the North and South was that the latter gained an addition of three mem- ! bers. In further consideration of the dispaiities existing under the late condition j of affairs, the speaker went on to say that the difficulty to the passing of the act came chiefly from Nelson and the West Coast, that opposition being carried out to the extremity of the "stonewalling" operation. The facts of the case were that Nelson, with a population of not more than 40,000, had seven members, and the West Coast, with a population of 14,000, five members. On the other hand, Coleridge, with the same number of ! population, had only one member. A readjustment became absolutely necessary, population being the only basis that could fairly be adopted. Such being the case, Nelson and Westland said that, politically speaking, the bill would be death to the prestige they had hitherto enjoyed, therefore the bill itself must be killed. In pursuance of that determination, the stonewalling operations were entered upon, and a most unseemly struggle ensued. These <nen being returned to preserve the constituencies abolished under this act they had recourse to every possible device to gain that end. During the three days and nights it was carried on some really monstrous things were enacted. Every principle of government by majority was act at defiance, and the most barefaced efforts possible were resorted to by this mere handful of men to coerce the whole House. The Government had to keep what was technically known as a " house " together — that was 21 members — whereas all that the other side required to do was to keep two or perhaps three — one to speak and the others to stand by and relieve him when the necessity arose. In this way they were kept for three days and nights together at one sitting It would give them an idea of what they had to endure during that protracted sitting when ho told them that one of the " stonewallors," Mr Riohard Seddon, a West Coast member, reaJ! over the electoral roll to them, beginning with the names under letter "A " and going on right through it. Not only that, bu,t by way of wasting time more effeotiyely, he treated them to a dissertation on the various names, delaying the business with such trifling talk as to whether the man was married, the number of children he had, and other absurd talli of that kind, ali designed to exhaust their time and patience. Conduct like this on the part of an insignificant minority was not to be tolerated, and, as they were no doubt aware, the matter was taken firmly in hand by the Speaker, and the whole proceeding broke down. Eventually the bill was allowed to pass into law, and the new electoral rolls would very ohortly be brought into operation. In alluding to the finances he said he was glad to inform them thai; during the past year the aspect of affairs t in that respect had greatly improved. Daring 1879 Hhe

i 1 prospects of the colony were in a very depressed state. A large deficit existed, and the customs revenuo had, to i a very considerable extent, fallen off. : Added to this, the newspapers at, home were crying down their credit as a colony, and matters otherwise wore a very gloomy aspect. Government had been acting promptly in the emergency. A wise and prudent economy had been entered upon, and 'a system of direct taxation resorted to. By that .means the public confidence had been restored, and the general prosperity of the country again secured, Then again he had to congratulate them upon tlio improved prospects of their railway lines. - These were now beginning to show a fair return on their original cost. They were already paying three per cent., and he was sanguine that at the close of the present financial year— 3lst March next—it would be found they had paid even more than that, and that the return would be not less than four per cent. Borrowed money on the other hand was low, the cost not being more than 4f per cent. It was a 'great matter to be able to borrow "«t such a low rate of interest, and its tendency, coupled with the upward tendency'oWSto returns made upon the working of tne lines, to induce further loans so ai«. to enable the main through railway works to be proceeded with as originally contemplated. .(Applause). In conclusion, he would leave his endeavors on behalf of their local wants to speak for themselves. While he bad all along endeavored to aid in carrying out the general policy, he had been very careful not to neglect local wants (applause), and in handing back the trust they had reposed in him at his election in 1879, he could only say that he had devoted himself in season and out of season for the benefit of the district. (Applause). He had watched over its interests to the best ot his ability, and if there had been any shortcoming, it was not a shortcoming arising from any want of earnestness on his part. (Applause). Mr Johns said that when he addressed the electors in that hall during his Candida tuie, he had put a question to him. in reply to which he had stated that if returned to represent the district he wonld do his best to get the waste lands secured for settlement purpose and prevent them being acquired in large blocks by private individuals. He desired him now to reconcile that statement with the dealings he had had with the Patetera lands ? Mr Whitaker replied that, so far as ho W'isjconcenied he had not purchased a single aore of native lands. Tho fact was that the lands referred to were being dealt' with in precisely the manner in which the last speaker had mentioned for settlement purpose and for that purpose alone ; two gentlemen having lately proceeded to England for the express pnrpose of bringout a number of farmers of tho right sort. He had acted in the matter professionally, and was in no way interested in it' aa an individual, but he had absolutely declined to have anything whatever to do with it either iv a professional or any other capacity until he had obtained a distinct pledge that the land acquired was mads use of for settlement purposes only, and he was happy to say that that pledge was now being redeemed. In further token of his desire to prevent the acquisition of land in large blocks to the exclusion of bona fide settlement, he mentioned the fact that a bill to prevent entailing of estates had been introduced into Parliament, which for reasons which could not have been foreseen, did not get through last session. He knew of no measure that would do more to get these large estates cut up and made available for bona fide occupation than a measure of that kind. He had been largely instrumental in getting that bill brought forward ; in fact he had had something to do with the framing of some of its clauses. He knew of no measure better adapted to bring about an equitable adjustment of the land question, and one which would do much to bring about a similar state of things which existed in such places as Hol» laiid7 France, Switzerland, &c. The bill unfortunately could not be got through last session, but still he could state that his views were identical with the objects of the measure. He was hopeful of seeing it pass into law next Parliament. Mr Johns : What I want to know ia, did you take any steps to get the present system abolished so as to prevent the acquisition of these large estate* ? Mr Whitaker : I as instrumental in getting certain clauses introduced into that bill having for their object that express purpose. Replying to another question put by Mr Jones, he (Mr Whitaker) said thaife during tfie session of 1879, after 'his return to Parliament, Sir George Grey handed o\ er the leadership of his party to Mr Macandrew, and iie most certainly objected to follow any Otago man as a leader. Moreover, lie had seen enough to justify ti.e opinion Mr Macandrew was not a mopei person to be placed in the position of the leader of a party. He (Mr Macandrew) had lost trace at that time of two and a-half millions of money, and one who could manage the afiairs of his department so badly was not to be trusted with tho Government of the country. Mr Johns : Did you approve of the tea percent, reduction made by the Government. ' Mr Whitaker : Yen ; but I did so on the express understanding that it was to hold good for one year only. Mr Roche : Do you approve of tho property tax ? Mr Whitaker : I think it is a fair tax, much fairer than the land tax. It falls to. be borne more generally on valuable properties throughout the country. In Auckland, for example, there are a 'number of properties of not more than 50 or perhaps 60 feet in extent. These are worth, perhaps, £40,000 or £50,000, and yet, under the land tax, tiiey were mad© to pay absolutely nothing, whereas under the property tax they are made to pay in proportion to their acquired values. Then, .again, he knew of instances in which it was made to bear a more equitable adjustment on the rural landowner. The Piako Swamp Company, for example./ Contributed only £300 under th© land t#x, whereas under the property tax they paid £900, and there were^many others in a similar position. (Applause.) Mr Joans : You supported Government ia doing; away with the land tax ? Mr Whitaker: Yes. In 1879 I stated that I thought the property tax was the right thine. . Replying to Mr Gresham he said he wasnota^yare that Major Jackson was unable to attend that meeting, nor had he been awiare would he have been in the slightest degree influenced by. Major Jackson's engagements in the calling of this meetingl He was quite prepared to pledge bims&lf to contest the election and go to the p<bll against all comers'. He was an advobat© for the freedom of the press despit^ the action taken on 22nd June last, relative to the admission of press representatives at investigations into the cond uqt and complaints of civil servants. Pi irty ties in Parliament were bound to Bjj ; recognised, on questions at all events of minor interest. Unless^that course wera followed a member would be practically Helpless. On 1 a question of vital policy^Jaf a, private member felt that he could ikot 'follow his party, then it was his drill? 4to' jntimate the .fact to the party, 'ajic^ then if no modification 'could 'be bfduMffitißbut.it would then be r lihe duty of suw member to secede from the party. 4'iJJlMma rule of that kind

were observed, it would be utterly impossible for government by party to go on. (Applause). Mr Gresham : Are we to understand that you approved of the all round 10 per cent, reduction? Mr Whitaker said he did not. The questioner had evidently had hia mind wore taken up with the questions he was about Jbo ,put than the answers he had already given, otherwise he would have heard, him state,, in reply to a previous question that he considered, the method employed for giving effect to the 10 per cent, reduction was an exceedingly clumsy one indeed. In reply to pther questions put, by the same party, Mr Whitaker stated that he did nob approve of the action taken by government in forwarding the names of the telegraphists who took part in the recent strike to the telegraphic depart* ments of other colonies. He thought it a very ill-advised step indeed, still no «ne wpuld ever dream of turning out a Government on that account. He was aware Government; had made some kind of reduction in the status of policemen which affected one of their number named Pardy, He might state, however, that Pardy himself had requested that he should be retained in the service in a reduced rank rather than leave the force altogether, and it was at his (Mr Whitaker's) representations to Government that that request was given effect to, otherwise he would have had to leave the uervice altogether. (Applause). Mr Gresham : You were asked to get a grant for Volunteer Hall purposes at Kihikihi, but did not succeed, but still you succeeded in getting a grant for a similar hall to be erected in Hamilton. At the same time he believed there were already two or three halls in Hamilton, whereas there was not one in Kihikihi at all. Mr Whitaker replied that he was not aware of the existence of two or three public halls in Hamilton. This, however, he was aware of, that Te Awamutu had had a grant for a Volunteer Hall ; so also had Cambridge. So far back as the year 1878 a vote was passed for £100 for the erection of the hall at Hamilton. It was put on the estimates by Mr Sheehan when he was in office. In 1879 the vote had not been expended, and in 1880 the exigencies qf the Government rendered it necessary that a sacrifice should be made, and he agreed to make this sacrifice, which he did on the distinct understanding that when the finances of the colony admitted of it the vote would be replaced on the estimates, and the grant made. He believed the finances were now in a position to warrant the expenditure of the money. Although not expended, the Tote was actually passed before the £100 already expended in erection of the Te Awamutu Hall h»d baen made. In answering another question he would certainly not consider himself bound by party ties in the case of these ties conflicting with a vital question of policy. It was only as he already explained on a questian of minor import he would consider himself bound to give way to hii party. Without a relationship of that kind no real good cuuld be done by a member either for the state or for hi« district. There was one member in the Assembly he knew of who had renounced them, and although he had been ten years in the House he had never been able to achieve any good purpose either for tho colony or for his constituents. Mr Wainwright proposed a vote of thanks which was coupled with an expression of confidence, tho motion being Becondod by Mr fcloaue. This being demurred to on tho ground that it might the meeting to a pledge againnt the forthcoming election, and to guard against that, the vote of thanks was passed on a distinct expression that the. meeting did not so pledge itself. The meeting separated with a vote of thanks to the chair.