AMUSING SPEECH OF SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT, M.P.

Western Star, Issue 278, 4 January 1879, Page 2 (Supplement)

AMUSING SPEECH OF SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT, M.P.

The new premises of the Scarborough Liberal Club were opened lately. A great Liberal demonstration was held, at which Sir W. Hareourt said that in the campaign of common-place which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had lately made in the Midland Counties, where he appeared to have been deliveringlessons in words of one syllable to Conservative infanta, he observed that on each occasion he had tried to explain why he was present among the audience he addressed. He was not on the stunip, of course—Cabinet Ministers never were. He represented himself rather in the light of a commercial traveller doing business for Her Majesty's Government in the, apologetic line and helping them to pass their somewhat damaged ware. He was going to have a bad Budget, but that was the fault of the rival concern over the way. If the people would only continue to deal with, his firm, everything would he all right. Foreign affairs, it was true, did not look very pleasant, but if they would leave them to his principals they would set themselves straight. Business was pretty bad, but after all a Conservative Government was. always a safe investment. There was only one thing under these circumstances to do, and that was to keep out the Radicals, who were going to destroy the constitution. He had followed this voluble self-satisfaction with some amusement. When an opponent began to explain, and then to explain again, and went on to explain his explanations, they might be pretty sure he had got into difficulties. The blaze of triumph was over, and all through the

recess the Cabinet Had bodi basiling up and down the country, haring little farthing rushlight illuminations in their honor, which, however did not seem to afford much light to the public. That torrent of : apology which haa for some weeks now been pouring on their heads, appeared to him a bad omen for the future of the Administration. There was only one man who had had the wisdom to hold his tongue, and that was sagacious politician at the head of the Government, for no man knew better than Lord Beaconsfield that when they were in a desperate scrape the best thing to do was to keep quiet.—(Laughter.) The Liberals had left them to get out of their own mess, and had fiven them all the rope they conld desire, fc had been traditional policy of the Conservative Government to swamp Home questions by foreign complications. He knew no Administration that had carried that practice to such an extent as the present. For three years they had kept the country in perpetual hot water. It was said that it would be unjust to saddle the Government with any responsibility for the depression of trade. That, however, was not his opinion. Trade, he thought, was most seriously affected by the state of foreign politics, and the Government for the last three years had so disturbed foreign affairs that trade had but little chance of revival. The late Government was accused of hawing a sensational policy. Sensational policy ! Why, they could not take up their newspaper without looking with anxiety to the telegrams to see what new coup de the Government had been achieving ; or asking withwhom they were at war to-day, with whom they were about to be at war to-morrow. Sir Stafford No'rthcote said they had arrived at the conclusion that the best thing to be done in the East was to maintain, if possible, the Turkish Empire. For his own part he believed that was a policy which would be unwise if it were possible, and which was impossible if it were wise. He was convinced that the Turkish Empire was nearer to its dissolution at the present moment than ever it had been at any former period. They had made the peace ; of Berlin, and they were told that all had j been done for the good of Turkey, and that I the result had been the consolidation of her ! empire. They were pleased to call the loss of Kars and Batoum, and the Danube, and the Quadrilateral, and Bosnia, the consolidation of Turkey ; and that profound policy, it 1 appeared, was not yet completed. The other day he read in an organ of Conservative ; opinion—an article entitled “ The Revival of | Turkey,” and found that the writer had laid i it down as a first condition of the revival of Turkey that the Turks should absolutely re- ; tire from Europe, which was unsuited for them and it would not tolerate their pre- , sence. That, he supposed, was to be the I next step in the consolidation of the Turkish ! Empire. In his opinion it was a step which , would certainly tend to revive Europe, what--1 ever it might do for the Ottoman Empire.— (Loud cheers.) But then the Chancellor of the : Exchequer, with admirable simplicity, told 1 them that the Treaty of Berlin had been far less costly, and would be quite as successful las the Treaty of 1856. What was the success of that Treaty ? It guaranteed the integrity of Turkey, but the moment the occasion arose to put it into operation, the Treaty of 1856 broke down. That, he ventured to say, was precisely what would happen wdth the Treaty of Berlin, Lord Salisbury made a very i rash and presumptuous prediction when he said the Treaty of Berlin, like that ,of ; Vienna, would last forty yetf's. Why, it 1 had not lasted forty days. Se observed I that nobody had any respect Ho its proj visions. The Chancellor of the Exchequer j Imd been imploring everybody to coiue4f^t 1 «> , rescue of the great settlement, which was to last for forty years, and, to the great disgrace of his Turcophile supporters, he I designated Turkish government as the principal offender against the TreSffiy. What a pleasant prospect for those gents with the j blue riband who had just accomplished the | consolidation of the Turkish Empire. The j truth was, the Treaty of Berlin was a piece i of scamped work, put together by unskilful I artisans, and as soon as it was set to work

the machinery broke down. The only parts ; executed are the cessions to Russia, and 1 that for a very simple reason, bc- : cause Russia was present with her armed j forces on the spot and compelled their execu- | tion, but everything that rests on agreement or negotiation has failed. It is impossible to ; conceive a greater blunder than the treatment of the Greek question at Berlin; it placed both Greece and Turkey in a situation which must inevitably lead to conflict. As I to Cyprus, Sir W. Harcourt said his Con- ■ servative friends were very shy of mentioning that island. All the military men to whom he had spoken laughed at the absurdity of employing Cyprus as a strategical centre. He regarded it as a Parliamentary manoeuvre, intended to cover an impending diplomatic defeat at Berlin ; but, as if the Berlin Treaty

and Anglo-Turkish Convention werp not enough, Government had provided the Affghan question. This was a serious matter, and must be spoken of with reserve until they had more accurate information. It appeared that our Government was responsible for what occurred. Instead of having peace they were on the brink of war. Immense burdens had been imposed on the nation to repair the errors of a rash and turbulent policy. It had been a traditional policy for many years of all eminent statesmen to keep India quiet, develope her wealth and resources, and, above all things, keep her out of European politics. Her Majesty’s Government had reversed this

policy by adopting a system of unrest and disquiet in India. The responsibility as to what was to be done now rested with the Government. So long as Lord Derby was at the head of Foreign Affairs they might feel confident that nothing rash would be attempted. But that was far otherwise now that Lord Salisbury was at the helm. The time was not far distant when the nation would be called upon to pronounce upon the policy of such a Government, and he had no doubt as to the verdict.