THE SUPERINTENDENCY.

Wellington Independent, Volume XXVI, Issue 3169, 10 April 1871, Page 2

THE SUPERINTENDENCY.

Mr FiTznimuEßT, in answer to the requisition presonted by Mr Dransfield, said, — Mr Dransfiold and gentlemen, I don't wish on the present OGcasion to adopt the very usual phraseology of saying how much I feel tho honor that has been conferred upon me by the marked confidence you have shown in asking mo to stand for an office which, I venture to stiy, whatovor may be the political or theoretical opinions of any section of people in the country, is ono of greater honor, inasmuch ns it involves the confidence of a larger constituency, than any other office which comes by olection in the colony of New Zealand ; bocause I think that these are not all the terms that would bo adapted to the exceptional character of the present occasion. I trust, therefore, you will consider all these things ; these expressions of compliment, you will consider them as said. It is impossible for any one not to feel them. I beg that you will think that I feel them, although 1 don't express them. But our business to-day is, I think, of a more business character than merely to pass compliments on each other. I am past that time when they are esteemed of much value — they are for younger men ; and you havo had enough political experience to appreciate those observations at their true value. If I say that tho office of Superintendent is not one to which I aspire, or one that has at all come within tho scope of my ambition, I am 6imply recording the fact, when I say that I do not wish you to understand that I therefore place at a light value that high honor ; tho defect is rather in my character than in the absence of honor in such a position. It is impossible for any man to havo stood more aloof than I have from placing myself in tho slightest degree in communication with any individual with the object of compassing the preaont stato of affnirs or of using any means to draw forth this requisition. There is not a man in the length and breadth of the province who does not know that this is actually true. I don't wish, therefore, to imply on tho other side that any man who may have aspired to tho contemplation of ono day filling the position is exercising any undue ambition ; I think rather that tho fault is in me, and the credit is to him in aspiring to such a place. , Believe mo I don't wish to traverse the part of any man in his ambition, and I can only 9ay that if there is any man who might havo decided to como forward, and who may havo been dissuaded from so doing by any of you [ around me, upon them must rest the responsibility. Let us clear away the ground between j us on this occasion, and lot it be plain speaking between us, for it ia not too late to alter ! your minds, und to give mo a chance to retire from a position which I have not sought. Sometimes plain speaking is necessary, and this is ono of those occusions when it is most necessary. In the natural course of things I have heard for the lust two or three weeks a great deal about my political views. By some it has been said, Oh, Mr Fitzherbcrb is an antiprovincialist, who went in for abolishing all provincial institutions. Then, again, other observations have been to this effect — You don't suppose ho is going to bo such a fool ; ho knows a thing or two ; ho is going to fly at higher game ; and I may also say that some of Mr Fitzherbert's friends who know all about him, have said ho would not stnnd, and bo forth. Well, to touch upon the last point, and clear away the ground as it wore for a free gallop : nobody has boon authorised to say any such thing for me ; but people do, as wo all. know, make all sorts of observations, and staff 1 strange sentiments in tho mquths o f others. Well, supposing that on this very interesting point, anybody, A or B comes up and says — What are you going to do ? and if you say in a simple-mindod sort of way— l think I may, or I mny not ; why that man has penetrated your secret ; hns, in fact, picked your pocket of your mind. I don't think any man will pick my pocket in that manner (Hear, hear.) How can you deal with people of such an extremely enquiring turn of mind, unless you pass by on tho other side ? Sometimes, ifjyou are not in a particularly good humor — have not, perhaps, digested your dinner well, you really and materially pass over to tho other side. On tho other bund, if you happen to be in a pleasunter humor than usual, you indulge in what is familiarly known as chaff, and give as good as you receive ; or, you take some ono of tho numerous ways that is proper to treat theso enquirers jfor the benefit of themselves; and in this way I have treated some of them But to no man have I committed authority to make such observations as I havo spoken of. Yet don't suppose thnt therefore I hive all along being playing an exceedingly deep game, or fishing for this high honor. At tho same time, after having maturely considered and seen all ways of escape — I confess I havo not Boon my way to say no absolutely to the general desire of those amongst whom the best part, of my lifo has been spent — I could not find it in myself to giro a stern negative. But how about those conscientious scruples ? You can't prevail upon yourself to give a stern negative, and yot the acceptance of such an ofh'no negatives all your recorded political opinions. How about that ? It is utterly untrue, as no man can show that I have over taken a part in desiring nolens volens to abolish your peculiar institutions ; lot a man be judged by his opinions thought out and recorded in those speeches for which he has paid, viz., in the authorized version of what lias passed from tho moutli3 of tho representatives of the colony in tho Q-eneral Assombly, for there ho will find that there is no foundation whatever for any such imputations, or for the words and tho sentiments which have been placed in my mouth. I will toll you what views I have taken with 1 regard to what I call republican institutions, and thoy are applicable to our peculiar institutions. To nay that tho latter havo done good is to say what will be admitted by all except those who aro extremely prejudiced, and thoso who don't admit that uro men whoso opinions I don't greatly value. Others say : whilst wo are prepared to admit that they havo done much good in tbo past, timos are changod, and for the future a change must take place, as they hare done thoir work. Several proposals have been made in vavious ways to tho General Assembly in limes past for sweeping away these institutions ; and it is well known to every person hero how, not on ono occasion but frequently, I' havo shown that I had no sympathy whatever with and did not believo in those who prepared theoretical constitutions ; and who, while anxious to sweep away every thing wo had got, woro yet not prepared to give us anything in lieu of the institutions suitable to the people. Nuy, I have frequently and at length raised my voico to this effect — that in a country like New Zealand I could easily imagine, owing to tho diversity of eettloments, diversity of origin, and mode in which tho different portions of the colony had been colonised,— -mid owing also to the extreme difference in character of the inhabitants in theso settlements, as well as to their peculiar semi-independence in point of physical position, — that that which was good for one part might not bo equally good for another — at any rate so far a? our present state was concerned. But if I havo had any guide it is that which I may call my pole-star in guiding my political course — it is what the people want, and that above evorthing else. You mny do what you please, you may shape out any course you like — in your study or your cabinet — you may have all tho cleverness of mind and all tho experience that is to be got together from othor countries — and I say that if all that clevorneß9, and all that theory, aro not brought to bear on, and fit into the genius of tho people whose institutions are based upon broad democratic principles, you will fail, and fail signally. I have seen the prettiest things in the world upon paper, and have quietly smiled at the wonderful display, of the mixture of wisdom and imbecility whioh is sometimes found combined in tho same miud. I well recollect, on more than one occasion, when speaking to the representatives

in the General Assembly, and expressing these views — and I still hold the same opinions — that whilst the peculiar institutions you hold may be of great benefit in some parts of the colony, that in other parts they may be wholly inapplicable — (Hear, hear)— so that wo are brought back again to tho conclusion, that which I declared to be my guide and pole-star, that it depends entirely upon the people themselves, and the wants of the differont localities. To give an illustration, that I may not be misunderstood, I may liken such attempts to give to every portion of a country diverse in character, opposite in position, the same uniform procrustean line of politics— to making the bed suit the individuals, not by adapting it to the long and the short, but by making it of one rigid uniform shape and size, and cutting off the lower extremities of those who may be too long to fit into it. There is another guiding principle, a political pole-star, which has over directed my political course — the supremacy of tho General Government over the Provincial — and I say I don't regard that as at all inferior to that other cognate subject which cannot be dissociated from its consideration, namely, the unity of the colony — that is, the avoidance of a disruption in the Government of the two islands. This is a question around which cii'cle all other questions, for all are minor to this in my political opinion. Now, to tako the consideration of what I have been endeavoring to expluin to you are my views on the peculiar institutions of Now Zealand. Gentlemen, don't flatter yourselves that because you are the inhabitants of Wellington that you are going to play a very fine and subtle game, and that because you have succeeded in petting this place established as the Seat of Government, the natural corollary to that is that you shall have centred hero, or surrounding this centre, all the ability and intellect, and fashion and worth, of the whole of New Zealand, — and that you shall say, as it were, with regard to these other outlying districts, " Moab is my washpot, over Edom have cast my Rhoe." I tell you plainly if that's your " little game" you will be utterly and signally defeated ; and I declare, as one who has his whole interest here, — for all that I have is in the province, all I have workod for during the past years of my life in every respect — that you won't have a more bitter opponent as long a3 I can utter one word, if I had the next day to be carried to my long home, and that I would oppose you to tho uttermost in such a miserable, low, selfish policy. I ara spoaking thus on this point to show you how I could not stretch my conscience, how my conscience could not bo tempted by any such price as you could offer me, that I held these opinions from tho first and continue to hold them ; and I quote these things not merely in a general way, but giving them to you to be thought out. lam now pursuing a line of thought and expression that I have repeated on many occasions as a representative in the General Assembly, and outside of tho House. As long as tho two Islands remain united as a Government we are bound, if so be that they wish it, to extend to every part of Now Zealand tho sarno unrestricted local autonomy. If for instance Otago were to say — Pray, will you bo good enough to extend to us the greatest amount of local autonomy compatible with the existence of tho central Government at Wellington and the union of the two Islands ? my reply would be — " By all means." The same would be my reply to Auckland. I speak of the two places as being the largest and farthest away ; but the same reply applies to other centreß of population. If you wish to introduce a system of centralisation into the Government of these islands, and turn round and say to your sisters, we will govern you from Wellington, I say you will break down signally. I trust, therefore, you will gather from this argumentative explanation that to say that I am a committed centralist, and that I sympathise wth those who talk of abolishing theso peculiar institutions would bo simply to say that I am opposed to that which ha 9 been the pole-star of my political career. Taking the same guide, I say it is very possiblo that the' peoplo of this province may say " Mr Fitzhorbort, wo don't want to enter into any fine-drawn discussion on this point ; we want to look after ourselves ; we want to try and revive ; we don't want to enter into this question of high politics ; but we do say, confined as our political position may be, we know what is good for ourselves as well as you can tell us, and we somehow have an instinctive feeling that we have too much of what you are pleased to call peculiar institutions." I should say simply "The question is grave, it is for you to decide upon it ; with you alone the ultimate turn of things most depends ; and if the peoplo of this province don't wish the continuance of their peculiar institutions it is for them to signify in an unmistakablo manner that they wish to abolish them." T say that if upon mature consideration the majority of tho people of this province say wo don't wish these institutions, then I say it would be unwise for any man to force them upon the people — all our institutions must come solely from tho people, and be worked by them. It is not for Aorß as Superintendent to say, I think these institutions more excellent. I hold no such views, have inculcated no such views. I say that any man who wishes to lead tho people of Wellington as a guide must carry the people with him, and not act as the general of an army without nny rank and file. Now it will be easy, if you havo understood me, to comprehend what are my opinions, and those explanations will shed some light upon tho folly exhibited by those who, not merely in politics, but in many other subjects, and in various ways raise cries that havo no meaning or significance who cay, " Oh, you are an auti-provincialist ! You are a centralist, &c." There is a great number of men in this world who not only make use of these cries, but who make a very decent or rather indecent living out of them. By tho very raising ot these cries they keep pitting one against another. Now, I don't choose to be put " in any such position, notwithstanding any amount of irritation that may bo oppliod. The men who raise those cries, generally speak' ng, raise them as a last acknowledgment of their utter defeat and rout in the way of argument. It does occur to me that we should all oxorciso a greater degree of forbearance to one onother's opinions during their formation ; for this is not a country whose history reaches over two, or three, or five, or a thousand years. It is not with us a question of ages, for wo arc simply forming the history of New Zealand as we aro forming our roads, enclosing our farmß ; and yot, forsooth, there are those who would apply tho test of opinions and the form of institutions, tho growth of ages, to the present stato of this country in tho very germ of its existence. To all suoh I say avaunt ! I will havo nothing to say to it. I have not a very high opinion of those people who raise those calls or cries ; and most of thorn don't understand what they mean — don't know one institution from another. All such tactics are, iv ray opinion, utterly unworthy of anyone who wishes to work out the institutions of a now country, by tho people thcmsolves, for to them he must ultimately bow. In speaking thus it is not merely as an individual Soaring certain idoas in particular, but it is speaking representatively, or elso there would ho very little need of our entering so much iu'o principles which would otherwise appear entirely out of place on tho present occasion. You will have to bear in mind that tho responsibility rests on you with regard to those peculiar institutions, and their continuance amongst youraolves. I have told you I will be no party to concentrating the Government of New Zealand in Wellington to the prejudice of the outlying districts, always < x eptmg the sovereign power of tho General Assembly. I don't care that for the provinces if they havo to fight tho battle of sovereignty against the General Government. In illustration of my \iews on these great questions — supreme authority in tho Assembly and the autonomy of the provinces — I might draw your attention to the great struggle which took place not many years ago in America, a oountry whose origin and institutions are co like New Zealand,

Thero the Republicans fought against the Democrats, and if these terms were translated into the language of New Zealand politics, the Republicans would 60 the Centralists and the Democrats would be the Provincialists. What the Provincialists wished to do was to separate themselves ; they did not wish to part with the least political power, and among other things they did not agree to the incidence of taxation. They therefore raised the standard of revolt against the United States. Well, that struggle hns beon one of those things which gave, I venture to say, respectability to an otherwise uniform political mass such &b the United States were. No doubt it was a grand epooh in their history, that war of independence, for before that they had no great political ideas, nothing to engage the attention and yeneration of the historian — nothing but material progress and getting rifh — nothing, worthy of a nationality in the higher sense, until that gigantic struggle took place. In that grand contest the republicans virtually said, by putting forth their overwhelming power, by the sacrifice of all they held dear — money was as dross, blood of husbands, wives, and children as nothing — we will that the sovereign power of the United States shall be paramount, and will force you to yield to it," and I say I hold that if to-morrow— though I hope I may never see the day — the question of the sovereign political power of New Zealand were raised, and the standard of revolt unfurled, I for one would shed my blood in the field of battle to keep New Zealand as one country. You will pero9ive, therefore, that whilst I claim for out-lying districts all possible local autonomy, it must still be subject to the one sovereign controlling power. That the one is no leas essential than the other will bo seen by a reference to a matter that took place last sassion, and that is a very good guide in forming an estimate of the wisdom of tho3e who go for a procrustean policy. There was a vote of £50,000 a year for five yearß passed for Road Boards. Of course this was a small thing in the General Assembly, a little phrase for a pUce where we talk only of thousands and millions ; the very atmosphere ia pleasant, and shakes with money all around, and one feels himself bigger in breathing the atmosphere there. Well, when this £50,000 a year for five rears was proposed for District Road Boards, I pricked up my ears and said this is a first rate thing ; they are not, at all events, going to spend this money in supporting an army, and £50,000 a year for the next five years is a nice little endowment. But I naturally asked, in what way do you propose to distribute it ? do you mean to say you are going to put it down to us in a lump sura and say — don't let mo hear any more grumbling amongst you, but go and spend it as you like ? do you mean to say you are going to throw it down for a scramble amongst the people, as something to make the Superintendents of Wellington and Ottgo squabble over ? Well, they did not say anything in particular in reply to this — perhaps they thought that our minds were not capable of understanding their views, and they therefore maintained a discreet silence. Well, I said, will you lay down some principle ? What principle had I ? The principle of helping those who helped themselves, What do you mean ? it is for theDis trict Road Boards, who have been shamefully neglected. Well, I agree with that entirely, and wo shall get along well together ; but what I mean by helping those who help themselves, is that in proportion as they tax themselves so you shall give them of this grant in aid. lam bound to say that the member of the G-overnment with whom I conferred said it was a fair and equitable principle, and this understanding was accepted. Well, I happened to be called away on special business of this province; but to my great astonishment when I came back I found the whole thing overthrown. In reply to my questions I was told — Well, look here, we are Canterbury men, and wo don't want that sorb of thing, we want something else, our system is so different from yours. I received the same kind of reasoning from Auckland people ; and so this quarter of a million in five years was disposed of, not according to tho principle I hud agreed on, nor on any other, for the General Assembly cannot condescend to such small things. I hold there are certain subjects, utterly outside the control of this General Assembly (for which I claim sovereign power) things which are unfit to be brought before it— parish business I call it, because it is a term well adapted to express the class of subjects desoribed as parish business ; it is that business which directly affects vs — our butter and bread, our shoes and stockings, and everything that we know of in our households ; and while I claim for the General Assembly sovereign power in the disposition of General Assembly affairs, I think it is one of the worst tribunals possible before which to take parish affairs. I have given you this as an exemplification of tho cruel muddle they got into by taking up a subject they didn't know how to handle. They cannot legislate on purely local questions : they have neither the timo, the inclination, nor the knowledge. But returning to the question of your peculiar institutions. Have you got something to place in their stead ? for if you think you can rely upon obtaining prosperity by placing your parish business in tho hnnds of the General Assembly, you are woofully deceived j and tho day will come when you will want back that local power which you are now thoughtlessly talking of giving away. (Hear.) On the other hand there are no doubt difficulties in the juxtaposition of a Government with a superior Government, obvious difficulties, for examples of which we need go no further than the history of the United Statea. The prescienoeofthis difficulty led to Washington beiug made a separate State. But although I am glad to say they did rise magnificently in history by making sacrifices worthy of a great nation, and by doing which they have attained a position as a grout nation whioh they never had before, I say that they still cherish their local institutions. Now I want to ask you the cause of that, because there is great confusion in men's minds in New Zealand ; they have got into difficulties and they don't know what if the matter ; so they get hold of the first man they meet and they say — It is your fault. In such an emergency a Superintendent is a convenience. Now I tell you vary plainly I am not going to be that convenience j I have always objected to being made a whipping boy. I see the working of your institutions, and know the energetic nature and earnestness of your Superintendent ; I think you hare had too much thought for you ; I ara nob sure whether that does not dwarf men's minds generally ; there is a good deal could be said on this point. Did the people of America, when some states aspired to sovereign power, tako their separate Governments away, or seek to punish the whole of the Statea by dwarfing their local institutions? That democratic people, who look sharply after local interests said no, but wo will prevent them doing it any more 5 and they put them down with a high hand, and just as I would wish to see you put down insular separation or any other suicidal attempt that would bring about a rupture in the Government of the two Islands. They simply took tho evil out of their institutions in order to prevent future ruptures, and you should do the same.

Mr J. H. WiLLACB here rather rudely broke in, asking what were tho opinions of Mr Fitzherbert on the county system. Mr Fitzhebbebt aaid he was not going to answer questions categorically ; but he had yory high authority for answering one question by proposing another, but into that dilemma he would be very Borry to put his friend JB^ Wallace, for he (Mr W.) did not know what the county system really wa9. It belonged to the prooruntean philosophy. Resuming the thread of his discoaree, and taking up the preservation of the unity of the colony, as illustrated by America, Mr Fitzherbert; eaid America would ultimately absorb the whole continent into one gigantic State; for the tendency of, the national mind in this direction had been unraietakeably manifested in the great sacrifices, the very highest human nature was capable of, they had made to secure theis

unity as a nation. Nevertheless, they did not eeekto destroy their local institutions, Doubtlees there -was a difficulty in having a government in juxtaposition with the supremegovernment, which, in America, had led to the establishment of the separate state of Washington. We had here the same problem to solve. But he would ask them if they were prepared to abandon what he called their parish powers. He would just draw a fancy picture of New Zealand, governed entirely from Wellington, or any other place, by imagining some 80 or 100 counties sending deputations one after another, complaining . that their roads were out of repair, their bridges carried away by a flood, or a thousand little things urgently neccessary to tho welfare of each locality. Fancy them crowding the rooms of p, Minister absorbed in hia high colonial cJA__t?* In such a condition of affairs the |p|pter and tho counties would be much to be pitied! The idea was, in fact, ridiculous, for it would be utterly impossible for any man's mind to attend at tho same time to such business, and efficiently discharge bis political duties to the colony. No, wo must have some Byßtem of local government for these islands, as extensive and complete as is compatible ■with the sovereignty of the General Assembly; and in this way only could the problem be solved. Whatever wo may decide for ourselves in Wellington, no arrangement of any other nature would be allowed by the other parts of , New Zealand ; for if we were in their place we should not allow it either : and in proportion as we left the centre, would that jealousy and watchfulness of local privileges bo displayed more and more. We had already had a great deal too much of mere rule and compass work — too much fine looking uniformity— of roads at right angles to each other right over mountain tops, and institutions carved out on one and the same pattern for different localities. He believed that if wise men wore at the head of this Government they would require these jealousies to be respected as far as possible, subject, of course, to the rightful allegiance owed to the colonial Government. If dissatisfaction were experienced with the present system of local government, they should not bo seduced into putting faith in tho uniform system of counties existing in England, for ■what had the system of England to do with us? Their system had been the growth of ages of adaptation ; while with us, if wo had not sprung from the head of Minerra, we had at least started into hfe full blown, ana, therefore, we required on entirely different eystf m. He should, therefore, ask thtm to scan with the minutest jealousy any taking away of their local powers, ana ask whether they could cast away responsibilities of that Bort just as a snake would shed its skin ? There was a proper season for everything, and this change, if at all necessary, required time. If by a plebiscite of the whole province, tho people said to tho General Government, " Hereafter and for evermore we hand over our provincial institutions from this day forth ; tako the estate and manage it, for we are too great imbeciles to manage it ourselves," he should be sorry for Wellington. It seemed impossible that any children could hold language like that. Even supposing they deliberately came to the conclusion to entirely cast away those local institutions they still have, it was too grand a matter to be done in any loose sort of way, for their future taxation would very much depend upon the estate they were going to wind up. These views might not be the views of many, but he could tell them emphatically they were his ; and it •would have been far better for New Zeuland if these views had been more generally accepted. As to his practical duties, nothing could induce him to do more than consent to act as their Superintendent until the end of the next session of the General Assembly. He ■would ask them, in the meantime, to consider well their position, not to lightly give up their privileges, which had been obtainod only after long battles, with the delusive hope of being better off under the General Government, or else they might suddenly find th(?mselve6 with the whole of New Zealand arrayed against them. Whatever mode they might fix on to manage their own affairs, they should adhere to that most important part in the government of all countries — the management of their own parish business. The position he would take was this. He would not lift up his little finger to secure his election. If they chose to put him in he could not say no. He believed a battle would have to be fought in the General Assembly, and therefore it became them, as men of business, to take ordinary precautions and watch their own affairs jealously. He would never consont to shy their provincial estate at the head of the General Government with the exclamation that we could not manage it, and allow them to play ducks and drakes with it. They must not suppose that other portions of New Zealand would be willing to bear taxation for this portion. In private life they would not expect that because living next door to a Colonial Minister a man had any special claim to relief from him. True, he might by touching his hat and fawning obsequiousness wheedle a little out of him. So Wellington need not think, because in the neighbourhood of Ministers, sho had any claim to public money, better than those far away, and for one he would never consent to see her occupy bo degrading and dishonourable a position. Such subserviency could not be regai'ded as either flattering or business-like. He entreated them to recollect that this was a most critical period in their history. They were losing a man, than whom he did not know any public man in New Zealand who had worked Larder than the present Superintendent, and so devoted himself to hie duties aa Superintendent, and he doubted whether they would get another who would do the name. Yet it was more than possible that his political ability had dwarfed by its very magnitude the minds of lesser men, and had exercised an injurious tendency on their local adminis- ; tration. No doubt it was quite right if they j said " can't wo better ourselves at this parti ! cular time?" and to doubt whether it would j be wise to have Mr Fitzherbert or anybody else as Superintendent ; but in the meantime their representatives in the Provincial Council should express their opinion firmly and clearly, and by the next session of theGenoval ABseinbly they could arrange as to their future con- i dition in the way of local self-government. Speaking again personally, they most not expect that he would attend every day at his office ; if they did they were mistaken in supposing that he would break up his present establishment; and if they expected that from him, they had better get somebody else to. do their work, as be could not do it, and ho did not wish to put them in a false position. Still he was not going to be a dummy ; ho would try to progress, as ho believed in it. Ho believed in bringing people to the country, and in making roads and railways ; but whilst ho said that, he would yet only consent to bo a kind of locum tenens, a sort of keeper of the place until after next session. He was willing to give them the benefit of his advice, but he had no wish to dictate to them, and it had only been after deep reflection that ho had decided to accept the position they wished to place him in. He believed that in tho General Assembly they were, so to speak, surrounded by enemies on every side. As their Superintendent, he would act to the best of his ability, aided by the other representatives; but so long as he was Superintendent he must be the judge of his own tactics. He might have to face to the right, or to the left, or to the front or turn ; but in whatever way he moved hewas prepared to do battle on all aidea, but he alone must regulate his own tactics, he must be tho Bole judge; no ono should dictate to him in that matter ; and if b^g^ not to have the cordial and unfeigned swpfni'fJ' of tbo representatives of this province, they were putting him in a false position, and they had better choose another leader. They had no right to drag him contrary to hia wishes unless they were prepared to support him cordially, and with unwavering allegiance for that brief period. They must not think he would go about holding public meetings, for he was not going to do it, and had now said all he was going to cay, though they must not take this as said in any disparaging seme. Any man who sought such a

position was a man open to a just ambition, but the fire did not burn in his breast, though he admired tho man in whom it did. They must pardon him if ho referred to pecuniary matters, but he was not going to take more than carpenters' wages, IGb a day, because he would not have it under tho circumstances. Still he utterly dissented from the popular cheap doctrine ; it was a great fallacy by which nothing was ever gained. It was folly to go to a barrister or physician, or any other man of high class work, and attempt to make a bargain. He abhorred such a system. It did not concern anyone how he acted, ns regarded emolument during this temporary occasion ; but, by so acting, he did not intend to bind his successor, whoever he might be, and would consider himself committing the greatest folly if by bo doing he pandered to any auch senseless cry as that sometimes raised that tho country was being ruined by highly-paid offieiuls. Such a charge was as false as it was foolish. He was not one of those who indulged in senseless charges offensively expressed against tho Ministry of the day. Colonial Ministers owed their positions to the Greneral Assembly ; they were put there, therefore, by the Legislature, for whose sovereignty ho hud been contending, and however he might differ from them in opinion, ho would alway3 givo them that loyal allegianco and respect which in viituo of their high offico they had a right to at hia hands. He had said plain things on this occasion, but he hoped it would not bo considered unkindly or offensively.