REQUISITION TO THE HON. W. FITZHERBERT.

Wellington Independent, Volume XXVI, Issue 3146, 13 March 1871, Page 2

REQUISITION TO THE HON. W. FITZHERBERT.

A requisition asking ihe Hon. Mr Fitzherbert to become a candidate for the Superintendenoy was presented to him afc the ] Athenosum on Saturday afternoon. The requisition was signed by over 200 persons, and about 50 persons were present, including most of our leading citizens. His Worship the Mayor, in a few appropriate remarks, presented the requisition to Mr Fitzherbert, explaining that although ifc was nofc so numerously signed as ifc would have been had more time been spent in canvassing, still ifc contained the names of all those usually known to take an interest in public matters, and sufficient to justify him in coming forward. Mr Fitzherbert then rose and said, — Mr Dransfield and gentlemen, I don't wish on the present occasion to adopt the very usual phraseology of saying how much I feel tho honor fchafc has been conferred upon me by fche marked confidence you have shown in asking me fco sfcand for an office, which, I venture to say, whatever may be the political or theoretical opinions of any section of people in the country, is one of greater honor, inasmuch as ifc involves the confidence of a larger constituency than any other office which comes by election in the colony of New Zealand ; because I think that these are not all the terms that would be adapted to the exceptional character of the present occasion. I trust, therefore, you will consider all these things ; these expressions of compliment you will consider them as said. Ifc is impossible for any one nofc fco feel fchem. I beg fchafc you will think thafc I feel fchem, although I don't express fchem. But our business to-day is, I think, of a more business character than merely to pass compliments'on each other. I am past thafc time when they are esteemed of some value ; fchey are for younger men ; and you have had enough political experience to appreciate these observations at their true value. If I say that the office of Superintendent is nofc one to which I aspire, or one which has afc all come within the scope of my ambition, I am simply recording the fact. When I say that I do nob wish you fco understand that I therefore place afc a light value fchafc high honor ; fche defect is rather in my, character than in the absence of honor in such a position as that. It is impossible for any man to bave stood more aloof than I have from placing myself in the slightest degree in communication with any single individual with fche objeofc of compassing the present state of affairs or of using any means to draw forth this requisition. Thero is nofc a man in fche length and breadth of fche province thafc does nofc know thafc this is actually true. I don't wish, therefore, to imply on the other side fchafc any man who may have aspired to the contemplation of one day filling the position is exercising any uaidue ambition j I think rather that the fault is in me, and the credit fco him is in aspiring to such a place. Believe me I don't wish fco traverse fche part of any man in his ambition . and I can only say thafc if there is any man who might have decided to come forward, and who may have been dissuaded from so doing by any of you around me, upon them must rest the responsability. Let us clear away the ground between us on fchis occasion, and let ifc be plain speaking between us, for it is not too late to alter your minds, and to give me a chance fco retire from a position whioh I have not sought. Sometimes plain speaking is necessary, and this is one of those occasions when it is most necessary. In the natural course, of things I have heard for the last two or three weeks a great deal about my political views. Bj some ifc has been said, Oh, Mr Fitzherbflrfc is an anti-pro-vincialist, who went in for abolishing all provincial institutions. Then again, other observa--1 tions have been to this effect — You don't | suppose he is going to be such a fool ; he knows a thing or two ; he is going to fly afc higher game. And I may also say thafc some of Mr Fitzherberfc's friends, who know all about him, have said he would nofc stand, and so forth. Well, to touch upon this last point, . »nd clear away the ground, as ifc were, for a free gallop, nobody has been authorised to say any such thing for me ; bufc people do, as we all know, make all sorts of observations, and stuff strange sentimentsin the mouthsof others. Well, supposing thafc on tbis very interesting point anybody, A or B comes up and says — What are you going fco do ? and if you say in a simple-minded sort of way— l think I may, or I may not ; why that man has penetrated your secret j has in facfc pioked your pocket of your mind. I don'fc think any man will pick my pocket in that manner. (Hear, hear.) How can you deal with people of such an extremely enquiring turn of mind, unless you pass by on fche other side. Sometimes if you are not in a particularly good humor, have not perhaps digested your dinner well, you really ' and materially pass over fco the other side. | On the other hand, if you happen to be in a pleasanter humor than usual, you indulge in what is known familliarly as chaff, and give as good as you receive j or you take some one of the numerous ways that is proper to treat these inquiries for the benefit of themselves, and in this way I have treated some of them. But to no man have I committed authority fco make such observations as I have spoken of. Yet don'fc suppose that therefore I have all along been playing an exceedingly deep game, or fishing for this high honor. Bufc I had at the same time, after having maturely considered and Been all ways of escape— l confess I have nofc seen my way to say no absolutely to the general desire of those amongst whom the best part of my life has bean spent — I could not find it in myself to give a stern negative. But bow about those conscientious scruples P You can't prevail upon yourself to give a stern negative, and yet tbe acceptance of such an office negatives all your recorded political opinions. How about that ? It is is utterly untrue, as no man can show that I havo ever taken a part in desiring nolens volens to abolish your peculiar institutions ; let a man be judged by his opinions thought out and recorded in those speeches for which he has paid, viz., in the authorised version of what has passed from fche mouths of the representatives of the colony in fche General Assembly, for there he will find thafc there is no foundation whatever for any such imputations, or for the words and the sentiments which have been placed in my mouth. I will tell you thafc what views I have taken with regard to what I call republican institutions are true and sound, and applicable to our peculiar institutions. To say that the latter have done good is to say what will not bo admitted by all except those who are extremely prejudiced, and those who don't admit; that are men whose opinions I don't greatly value. Others *ay: whilst we are prepared to admit that fchey have done much good in the past times are changed, and for fche future a »hange must take place as they have done their work. Several proposals have been made in various ways to tho General Assembly in times past for sweeping away these institutions ; and it is well known to every person here how, nofc on one occasion bufc frequently, I have shown that I had no sympathy whatever with and did not believe in those who prepared theoretical constitutions 5 and who while anxious to sweep away everything we had got were yet nofc prepared to give us anything in lieu of fcho institutions suitable to the people. Nay, I have frequently and at length raised my voice to this effectthat in a country like New Zealand I could easily imagine, owing to the diversity of settlements, diversity of origin, and mode in which the different portions of the colony had been colonised, — and owing also to the extreme difference in character of the inhabitants in these settlehients, as well as to their peculiar semi-independence in point of physical position, — that that which was good for one part might not be equally good for another— afc any rate so far as our present state was concerned. But if I have had any guide it is that which I may call my pole-star in guiding my political course — ifc is what tho people want, and that above everything else. You may do what you please, you may shape ;

out any course you like — in your study or your pahioet,^you;.may have all the cleverness of mind, and ail the experience thafc is to be got together from other countries, — and I say that if all that cleverness, and all that theory, are not brought to bear on, and fit into the genius of the people whose institutions are based upon broad democratic principles, y»u will fail, and fail signally. I have seen the prettiest things in the world upon paper, and have quietly smiled afc fche wonderful display, of the mixture of wisdom and imbecility which, is sometimes found combined, in the same mind. I well recollect on more than one occasion when speaking fco fche representatives in fche General Assembly and expressing these views-and I still hold the same opinions — that whilst the peculiar institutions you hold may he of great benefit in some parts of the colony, that in other parts they may be wholly inapplicable — (Hear, hear)— so that we are brought back again to the conclusion, that which I declared to be my guide and pole-star, that ifc depends entirely upon the people themselves, and the wants of the different localities. To give an illustration, thafc I may nofc be misunderstood, I may liken such attempts to give to every portion of a country diverse in character, opposite in position, fche same uniform procrusfcean line of politics — to making the bed suit the individual, nofc by adapting ifc to tho long and fche short, but by making it of one rigid uniform shape and size, and cutting off the lower extremities of those who may be too long to fit into it. There is another guiding prinoiple, a political pole star, which has ever directed my political oourse, tho supremacy of the General Government . over tho Provincial — and I say I don't regard thafc as afc all inferior to fchafc other cognate subject which cannot be dissociated from its consideration, namely, the unity of fche colony r— that is the avoidance of a disruption in the Government of the two islands. This is a question around which circle all other questions, for all are minor to this in my political opinion. Now, to take the consideration of What I have been endeavoring to explain to you are my views on the peculiar institutions of Zealand. Gentlemen, don'fc flatter yourselves that because you are the inhabitants of Wellington that you are going to play a very fine and subtle game, and that because you have sucoeeded in getting this place established as the seat of Government fche natural j corollary to fchafc is that you shall have centred here, or surrounding this centre, all the ability and intellect and fashion and worth of the whole of New Zealand, — and that you I shall say, as it were, with regard to these other outlying districts, " Moab is my washpot, over Edom have I cast my shoe." T tell you plainly if that is your "little game" you will be utterly and signally defeated ; and I declare, a3 one who has his wholeinfeeresfc here, — for all thafc I have is in fche province, all I have worked for during fche past years of my life in every respect— that you won't have a more bitter opponent as long as I can utter one word, if I had the nexfc day fco be carried to my long home, and fchafc I would oppose you fco fche uttermost in such a miserable, low, selfish policy. I am speaking thus on this point to show you how I could not stretch my conscience, how my conscience could not be tempted by any such price as you could offer me that I held these opinions from the first and continue to hold them ; and I quote these things not; merely in a general way, but giving them to you to be thought out. lam now pursuing a line of thought and expression that I have repeated on many occasions as a representative in the General Assembly, and outside of the House. As long as the two Islands remain united as a Government we are bound, if so be that they wish it, to extend to I every part of New Zealand the same unrestricted local autonomy. If for instance Otago, was fco say— pray, will you be good enough fco extend to us the greatest amount of local autonomy compatible with tha existence of the 1 central Government at Wellington and the union of fche two Islands ? my reply would be — " By all means." The same would be my reply fco Auckland. 1 speak of the two places as being the largest and farthest away ; but the same reply applies to all other centres of population. If you wish | to introduce a system of centralisation into the Government of these islands, and turn round and say fco your sisters, we will govern you from Wellington, I say you will break down signally. I trust, therefore, you will gather from this argumentative explanation that to say fchafc I am a commuted centralis!;, and that I sympathise with those who talk of abolishing these peouliar institutions would be Bimply to Bay that I am opposed to that which has been fche pole star of my political career. Taking the same guide, I say ifc is very possible fchafc fche people of this province may say " Mr Fitzherbert, we don'fc want fco enter into any fine-drawn discussion on this point ; we want to look after ourselves ; wo want to try and revive ; we don't want to enter into this question of high politics ; but we do say, confined as our political position may be, we know what is good for ourselves as well aB you can tell us, and we somehow have an instinctive feeling that we have too much of what you are pleased fco call peouliar institutions." I should say simply " The question is grave, it is for you to decide upon it ; with you alone the ultimate turn of things most depends ; and if the people of fchis province don't wish the continuance of their peculiar institutions it is for them to signify in an ' unmistakable manner fchafc fchey wish fco abolish fchem." I say that if upon mature consideration the majority of the people of this province say we donfc wish these institutions, then I say it would be unwise for any man to fore, them upon the people — all our institutions must come solely from the people and be worked by them. It is nofc for A or B as Superintendent to say, I think those institutions more excellent. I bold no such views, have inoulcated no such views. I say that any man who wishes to lead fche people of Wellington as a guide must carry the people with him and not aofc as fche general of an army without any rank and file. Now ifc will be easy, if you have understood me, fco comprehend whafc are my opinions, and these explanations will shed some light upon the folly to be attached to those who, not merely in politics, but in many other subjects, and in various ways, raise cries that have no meaning or significance, — who say, " Oh, you are an anti-provincialist ! You are a centralist, &c." There are a great number of men in this world who not only make use of these cries, but who make a very decent, or rather indecent living oufc of fchem. By the very raising of these crie3 they keep pitting one against another. Now, I don't choose to be put in any such position, notwithstanding any amount of irritation that may be applied. The mon who raise these cries, generally speaking, raise tliem as a last acknowledgment of their utter defeat and rout in the way of ar- , gument. Ifc does occur fco me fchafc we should all exerciso a greater degree of forbearance to one another's opinions during their formation ; for this is not a country whose history roaches ovor two, or three, or five, or a thousand years ; it is nofc with us a question of ages, for we are simply forming the history of, New Zealand as we are forming our roads, enclosing Our farms j and yet, forsooth, there are those who would apply tho tost of opinions and the form of institutions, the growth of ages, to the present state of this country in the vory germ of its existence. To all such I say avaunt ! I will have nothing to say to it. I have not a very high opinion 6f those people who raise those calls or ories ; and most of fchem don'fc understand what they mean— don'fc know one institution from another. AH such trammels are, in my opinion,-- utterly unworthy of anyone who wishes to work out the institutions of a new oountry, by the people themselves, for to them he must ultimately bow. In speaking thus it is nofc merely as an individual bearing certain ideas in particular, but it is Bpeaking representatively, or else there would be very little need of our entering so much into principles which would otherwise appear entirely out of place on the present oooasion. You' will have to bear in mind that the responsibility rests on you with regard to these peculiar institutions, and their continuance amongst yourselves. I have told you I will

be no party to concentrating the Goyernmen of New Zealm-- in Wtifask **° tha P r /? v dice of the baiflyi-ipb^toi'^^f* oß ?^"^ the sovereign power of th^ General Assembly* % don'fc care that for the provinces if they are to fight the battle of sovereignty againstthe General Government. oln0 In illustration of my views on these great questions— supreme authority in tho Assem_lj,.a_d the autonomy of the provinoes— l might draw your attention to tho great struggle whioh took place not many years ago in America, a country whose origin and institutions are so like Now Zealand. There the Republicans fought against the Democrats ; and if these terms were translated into the language of New Zealand politics, the Republicans would be Centralists, and the Democrats would be Provinoialists. What the Provinoialists wished to do wa^go separate fchemselveß j fchey did not wisfl^Jo part with the leasfc political power, and among other things they did not agree to the incidence of taxation. They, therefore, raised the standard of revolt against the "United States. Well, thafc struggle has been one of those things which gave, I venture to say, re_peofcability to another wise uniform political mass such as the United States were. No doubt ifc was a grand feature in their history, thafc war of independence j for before that they had no great political ideas, nothing to engage the attention^ and veneration of the historiannothing bufc material progress and getting rich — nothing worthy of a nationality in the higher sense, until thafc gigantic struggle took place. In that grand contest the republicans virtually said by putling forth their overwhelming power,-; by fche sacrifice of all they held dear, — money was as dross, blood of husbands, wives, and children as nothing— we i will that the Boverign power of the United States shall be paramount, and will force you to yield to it," and I say I hold that if tomorrow—though I hope I may never see the day— the question of the sovereign political power of New Zealand were raised^ and the standard of revolt unfurled, I for one would shed ray blood in the field of battle to'-eep New Zealand as one country. You will per- , ceive, therefore, that whilst I claim for ' out-lying districts all possible local autonomy, it must still be subject to the one sovereign controlling power That the one is no less essential than the other will be seen by a reference to a matter that took place last session, and that is a very good guide in forming an estimate of the wisdom of those who go for a proorustean policy. There „ was a vote of £50,000 a year for five years passed for Road Boards. Of course this was a small thing" in the General Assembly, a little phrase for a place where we talk only of thousands and millions; the yery atmosphere is pleasant, and shakes with money all around, and one feels himself bigger in breathing the t atmosphere there. Well, when this £50,000 ia year for five years was proposed for District _Soad Boards, I pricked up my ears and said this is a first rate thing ; they are not, at all eyents, going to spend this money in supporting an army, and £50,000 a year for the next five years is a nice little endowment. Bufc I naturally asked, in what way do you propose to distribute ifc ? do you mean to say you are going to put it down fco us in a lump sum and say — don'fc let me hear any more grumbling amonget you, but go and spend it as you like ? do you mean to say you are going to throw it# down for a scramble amongst the people, as something to make the Superintendent* of Wellington and Otago squabble over ? Well, they did not say anything in particular in reply to this — perhaps they thought that our minds were not capable of understanding their views, and they therefore maintained a discreet silence. Well, I said, will you lay down some principle ? Whafc prinoiple had I ? The. prinoiple of helping those, who help themselves. What do you mean ?it is for the District Road Boards, who have been shamefully neglected. Well, I agree with that entirely, and we shall get along well together; but what I mean by helping those who help themselves, is that in proportion aa fchey tax themselves so you ■ shall give them of this grant in aid. I am bound to say that the member of the Government with whom I conferred said it was a fair and equitable principle, and this understanding waß accepted. Well, I happened to be called away on special business of this province; but to my great astonishment when I came back I found the whole thing overthrown. In reply fco my questions I was told — Well, look here, we are Canterbury men, and. we don't want that sort of thing, we want something else, our system is so different from yours. I received the same kind of reasoning from Auckland people j and so fchis quarter of a million in five years was disposed .of, nofc according to the prinoiple I had agreed on, nor on any other, for the General Assembly cannot condecend to such small things. I hold there . are certain subjeots, utterly outside the control of this Generai Assembly; (for whioh I claim sovereign power) thinga%hich are unfit to be brought before it; — parish business I call it, because it is a term well adapted to express the class of subjects described as parish business; it is that business which directly affeots vs — our butter and bread, our shoes and stockings, and everything that we know of in our households ; and while X claim for the General Assembly sovereign power in the disposition of General Assembly affairs, I think it is one of the worst tribunals possible before which to take parish affairs. I have given you this as an exemplification of fche cruel muddle fchey got into by taking up a subjeot they didn't know how to handle. They cannot legislate on purely local questions : they have neither the time, the inclination, nor the knowledge. But returning to the question of your peculiar institutions. Have you got something to place in their stead ? for if you think you can rely upon obtaining prosperity by plaoing your parish business in the hands of the General Assembly, you are woefully deceived ; and the day will come when you will want hack that local power which you are now thoughtlessly talking of giving away. (Hear.) On the other hand there are no doubt difficulties in the juxtaposition of a Government with a superior Government, obvious difficulties, for examples of whioh we need go further than fche history of the United States. The presence of this difficulty led to Washington being made a separate State. But although I am glad to say they did rise magnificently in history by making sacrifices worthy of a great nation, and by doing which they have attaifl-cl a position as a great nation which they never had before, I say that they still cherish their looal institutions. Now I wantto ask you the cause of that, because there is great confusion iv men's minds in New Zealand ; they have ' got into difficulties and they don't know what is the matter ; so they get hold^ of the first man fchey meet and they say— lt is your fault. In such an emergency a Superintendent is a convenience. Now I tell you very plainly I am not going fco be that 'convenience ; I have always objected to being made a whipping boy. I see the working of your institutions, and know the energetio nature and earnestness of your Superintendent; I think you have had too much thought for you ; I am not sure whether that does not dwaif some men's generally ; there is a good deal could be said on this point. Did the people of America, when some states aspired to sovereign power, take their separate Governments away, or seek to punish fche whole of fche States by dwarfing their local institutions ? Thafc democratic people, who look sharply after local interests said no, hut we will prevent them doing ifc any more j and they put tbem down with a high hand, and just as I would wish to see youjAt down insular separation or any other suilKq^ attempt that would bring about a rupture in the Government of the two Islands. They simply took the evil out of their institutions in order to prevent future ruptures, and you Bhould do the same.

Mr J. H. WaiiiAOß here rather rudely broke in, asking what were the opinions of Mr Fitzherbert on the county system. > Mr Fitzhekbbrt said he was nofcj going to answer questions categorically ; but he had very higk authority for answering one question by proposing another, and into that dilemma

he would be very sorry to put his friend Mr Wallace, for he (Mr W.) did not know what the county system really wae. Ifc belonged to the procrußtean philosophy. Resuming the thread of his discourse, and taking up the preservation of the unity of the colony, as illustrated by America, Mr Fitzherbert said America would ultimately absorb the whole continent into one gigautio State ; for the tendency of the national mind in this direction had beon unmistakably manifested in the great sacrifices, the very highest human nature was capable of, they had made to seoure their unity as a nation. Nevertheless, fchey did not seek to destroy their local institutions. Doubtless there was a difficulty in having a government

in juxtaposition with the supreme government, which in America, had led to "^ the establishment of the separate state of Washingfcon. We had here the same problem to solve. Bufc he would ask fchem if fchey were prepared to abandon what he called their parish powers. He would just draw a fancy picture of New Zealand, governed entirely from Wellington, or any other place, by imagining somo 80 or 100 counties sending deputations one after anothor, complaining thafc their roads were out of repair, their bridges carried away by a flood, or a thousand little things urgently necessary to the welfare of each locality. Fancy fchem crowding the rooms of a Minister absorbed in his high colonial duties. In such a condition of afftiirs the Minister and tlie counties would be muoh to be pitied ! The idea was, in fact, ridiculous, for ifc would be utterly impossible for any man'B mind fco a* tend afc the same time to such business, and elficiently discharge his political duties to tbe colony. No, we must have some system of local government for these islands, as extensive and complete as is compatible with tho sovereignty of the General Assembly ; and in this way only could the problem be solved. Whatever we may decide for ourselves in Wellington, no arrangement of any other nature would be allowed by the other parts of New Zealand ; for if we were in their plane we Bhould not allow it either ; and in proportion as we left the centre would that jealousy and watchfulness of local privileges be displayed more and more. We had already had a great deal too much of mere rule aud compass work — too much fine-looking uniformity — of roads at right ungles to each other, right over mountain tops, and institutions carved out on one and the same pattern for different localities. He believed that if wise men were at the head of this Government fchey would require these jealousies to be respected as far as possible, subjeot, of course, fco fche rightful allegiance owed to the colonial Government. If dissatisfaction were experienced with the present Bysfcem of local govtrnment, they should not be seduced into putting faith in the uniform system of counties existing in England, for what had the system of England to do with us ? Their system had been the growth of ages of adaptation ; while with us, if we had not sprung from the head of Minerva, we had at least started into life full blown, and, therefore, we required an entirely different system. He should, therefore, ask them to scan with the minutest jealousy any taking away ( of their local powers, and ask whether •, they could cast away responsibilities of '.that sort jusfc as a snake would shed its tekin? There was a proper season for everything, and this change, if afc all necessary, required time. If by a plebiscite of the whole province, the people said to the General Government, "Hereafter and for evermore we hand over our provincial institution from this day forth ; take the estate aud manage ifc, for we are too great imbeciles to manage it ourselves," he should be sorry for Wellington It seemed impossible that any children could hold language like that. Even supposing they deliberately came fco the conclusion to entirely cast away those local institutions they still have, ifc was too grand a matter fco bo done in any loose sort of way, for their future taxation would very much depend upon the estate they were going to wind up. These viewa might not be the views of many, but he could tell them emphatically they were his ; and it would have been far better for New Zealand if these views had been more generally accepted. As to his' practical duties, nothing could induce him to do more than consent fco act as tbeir Superintendent until the end of the next session of the General Assembly. He would ask them, in the meantime, to consider well their position, not to lightly give up their privileges, which had been obtained only after long battles, with the delusive hope of being better off under the General Government, or else they might suddenly find themselves with the whole of New Zealand arrayed against them. Whatever mode they might fix on to manage your own affairs, they should adhere fco that mosfc important part; in the government of all countries — the management of your own parish business. The position he would take was this. He would nofc lift up his little finger fco secure his election. If fchey chose to put; him in he could not say no. He believed a battle would have to be fought in the General Assembly, and therefore it became them, as men of business, to take ordinary precautions and watch their own affairs jealously. He would never consent to shy their provincial estate at the head of the General Government • with the exclamation thafc we could not ina_age it, and allow them to play ducks and drakes with ifc. They must not suppose that other portions of New Zealand would be willing to bear taxation for this portion. In private life they would not expect fcl__t because living next door to a Colonial Minister a man had any speoial claim to relief from him. True, he might by touching his bat and fawning obsequiousness wheedle a little out of him. So Wellington need nofc think because, in the neighborhood of Ministers! Bhe had any claim to public money, bettor than those far away, and for one he would never consent to see her occupy so degrading and dishonorable a position. Such subserviency could not be regarded as either flattering or business-like. He entreated them to recollect that this was a most critical period in their history. They were losing a man, than whom he did nofc know any public man in New Zealand who had worked harder than fche present Superintendent, and so devoted himself to his duties as Superintendent, and he doubted whether they would get another who would do the same. Yet ifc was more than possible thafc his political ability had dwarfed by its very magnitude the minds of lesser men, and had an injurious tendency on their local administration. No doubt ifc was quite right if they said " can't we better ourselves at this particular time," and to doubt whether ifc would be wise to have Mr Fitzherbert or anybody else as Superintendent ; but in the meantime their representatives in the Provincial Council should express their opinion firmly and clearly, and by the next Bession of the General Assembly they could arrange as to their future condition in tho way of local self-government. Speaking again personally, they must nofc expect that he would attend every day afc his office j if fchey did fchey were mistaken in supposing that he would break up his present establishment ; and if they expected that from him they had better get somebody else to do their work, as he could nofc do ifc, and he did not wish to put them in a false position. Still he was not going to bo a dummy ; he would try to progress, as he believed in ifc. Ho believed iv bringing people to the country, and in making roads and railways ; but whilst ho said that he would yefc only consent to be a kind of locum tenens, a sort of keeper of the" place until after next leßsion. He was willing fco give fchem the benefit of his advice, but ho had no wish to dictate to them, and ifc had only /, been after deep reflection that he had decided * ' ' to accept the position they wished to place him in. He believed that in the General Assembly they were, so t>' speak, surrounded by enemieß on every side. As their Superintendent he would act to the best of his ability, aided by fche other representatives ; bufc so long as he was Superintendent he must be the judge of his own tactics. He might have to face to the right, or to fche left, or to the front or turn ; but in whatever way hemoved ho wasprepared todo battle on all sides, but he alone must regulate his own tactics, he must be the sole judge ; no one should dictate to him' in that matter ; and

if he was not to have the cordial and unfeigned support of the representatives of this province, they were putting him in a false position, and they had better choose another leader. They had no right to drag him contrary to his wishes unless they were prepared to support him cordially, and with unwavering allegiance for that brief period. They must nofc think he would go about holding public meotings, for ho was nofc going to do it, and had now said all he was going to say, though they must not take this as said in any disparaging sense. Any man who sought such a position was a man open to a jusfc ambition, but the fire did not burn iv his breast, though he admired the man in whom it did. They must pardon him if he referred to pecuniary matters, bufc ho was not going to take more than carpenters' wages, 10s. a day, because ho would nofc have it under the circumstances. Still he utterly dissented from the popular cheap doctrine ; it was a great fallacy by which nothing was ever gained. Ifc was folly to go to a barrister or physician, or any other man of high classwork, and attempt to make a bargain. He abhorred such a system. Ifc did nofc concern anyone how he acted, as regarded emolument during this temporary occasion ; but. by so acting, he did nofc intend fco bind his successor, whoever he might be, and would consider himself committing the greatest; folly if by so doing he pandered to any such senseless cry as thafc some- j times raised that the country was being ruined by highly paid officials. Such a churge was as false as ifc was foolish. He was not one of those who indulged in senseless charges offensively expressed against the Ministry of the day. Colonial Ministers owed their positions to the General Assembly ; they were put there, therefore, by the Legislature, for whose sovereignty he had been contending, and however he might differ from them in opinion, he would always give them that loyal allegiance and respect which in virtue of their high oflice they had a right to at his hands. Ho had said plain things on fchis occasion, bufc he hoped ifc would nofc be considered unkindly or offensively. Mx W. B. Rhodes moved a resolution pledging those present to secure Mr Fitzherberfc'a return, aud thanking him for his able speech. He thoroughly agreed with Mr Fitzherbert on the subject of separation ; and on more than one occasion had differed widely on this subject from those who were very dear fco him. Like Mr Fitzherbert, he was prepared fco shed his blood in defence of the unity of the co ony. Mr Rbnall was disappointed that Mr Fitzherbert had nofc spoken on fche financial position of the province, and dissented from the motion if ifc implied a pledge to support him ; but, on its being explained to him that it was a meeting only of requisitionisfcs, he walked out. I

Mr T. M'Kenzie then seconded Mr Rhodes' motion, which was carried unanimously.