GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Wellington Independent, Volume XVII, Issue 1744, 24 July 1862, Page 3

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Tuesday, July 2-2, 1802. Tho SPEAKER took the Chair at 12 o'clock. New Member. Mr. DICK the member for Dunedin City took the oath of allegiance. Bill to Regulate Steam Vessels. The Hon. CROSBIE WARD in moving for leave to introduce a Bill to regulate Steam Vessels and the Boats and Lights to bo carried by seagoing vessels, remarked that the object of this Bill was a very necessary one, and one that was enforced in the other colonies. The Bill was read a first time and ordered to be printed. Ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday. Select Committee on the Gold Fields. The Hon. CIiOSBIE WARD also moved— " That a Select Committee bo appointed to enquire into the condition and prospects of the Gold Fields of the colony, and to consider and report whether any and what further legislation is necessary on the subject. To consist of* Major Richardson, Messrs. John Williamson. Stafford, R. Graham, A. G. Richmond, FitzGorald, and Russell." Agreed to. Issue of Crown Grants. The Hon. Mr. FOX moved—" That the returns relative to Crown Grants issued and promised to natives, laid on the table by the Colonial Secretary be printed." Agreed to. Native Resprves, Dunedin and Port Chalmers. Mr. MANTELL moved — "For copies of all correspondence relative to the native Rcerves in the towns of Dunedin and Port Chalmers. Agreed to. Appointment of Judge of Supreme Court. Mr. STAFFORD moved—" Ttiat a respectful address be presented to His Excellency the Governor requesting His Excellency tho Governor to cause to be laid on tho Table of thie House, a copy of His Excellency's despatch to His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, No. 27 of the 26th of November 1861, relative to the appointment of Mr. Gresson as a Judge of the Supreme Court q£ New Zealand, or of any memorandum from His Excellency's utinisters on the subject in addition to Mr. Sowell's memorandum of the t9th August 1861," and said that he should take an early opportunity after the despatch had been laid upon the table, to bring before tho House the whole question of the mode of appointment of Judges in this colony. He also took this occasion to make an explanation with regard to some remarks made by the Chief Justice in the Legislative Council last session, that political influence had been brought to boar on the late ministry with regard to the appointment of a Judge for the Southern district. He was authorized to say that that His Honor was perfectly satisfied with his explanation of the matter. The Hon. Mr. FOX did not think the despatch in question contained any important remarks on the subject. Motion agreed to, with the addition of tho words " and any communication from Mr. Greison to the Governor on the question." Library and Printing Committee. Mr. D. BELL brought up a Report from the Library and Printing Committee. Received. Militia and Volunteer Forces. Mr. ATICINSON moved — " For all correspondence between Capt. J. N. Watt, Taranaki Rifle Volunteers and the Deputy Adjutant-General relating to the position of the Taranaiu Volunteer Force under tho new Regulations, together with any letter, dispatch, or minute of Lieut-General Cameron upon the subject of the rank aud precedence of the officers of Militia and Volunteers. Also, for all correspondence between Capt. J. N. j Watt, Taranaki Rifle Volunteers, Col. Warre, C. 8., Capt. Stapp, Taranaki Militia, the Deputy. Adjutant General, aud Lieut-General Comeron, upon the occasion of Capt. stapp having in May last been placed in arrest by Col. Warre, C.U. Also, for all correspondence between Col. Warre, C.8., Capt. Burton, Taranaki Militia, the Deputy-Adjutant-Geiieral, and Licut.-General Cameron, upon the subject of the command of the Tarauaki Militia." Return of General Government Appointments. Mr. CURTIS moved— For a Return of all persons appointed to any office by the General Government, between the 12th day of July, 1861, and the 12th day of July, 1862, with the amount of salaries attached to any such office. Agreed to. Enlargement of Committee on Communications. Mr. EYES moved — For leave of the House to enlarge the Select Committee appointed to con-

sider and report upon the subject of Communications to and from and within the Colony to twelve Members. Tne motion being, agreed to without discussion ensuing he also moved. That the names of tho Honorable the Speaker, and Mr. Atkinson, be added to the Committee on Communications. Agreed to. Number of drilled men in Auckland Militia. Major NIXON moved -For a Return showing the number of Discharged Soldiers and Pensioners the number of Civilians who have been drilled, and the number of Civilians who : have been enrolled but not drilled in each of the Battalions of the Auckland Regiment of Militia. s Agreed to. ; Electoral Rolls, 1861 and 1862. ; Mr. O'RORKE moved -That there be laid on , the table of the House a Return of the num- [ ber of Electors on the Electoral Rolls for 186 1-63, of P the districts returning Members to the House of Representatives. Agreed to. Administration of Justice Committee. My. STAFEORD moved—That the name of Mr. Russell be added to the Committee on the Improvement of the administration of Justice, Agreed to. Orders of the Day. The House according to Order resolved itself into Committee on the Crown Land's Bill, and alter some time spent therein, the Chairman re • ported progress and obtained leave to sit again on Thursday, Crown Grants Bill. This Bill was also considered in Committee, for a short time and ordered to be further considered on Thursday. | Supply. j The Resolution came to on Friday in Comtnitee of Supply was read a second time and adopted. Papers. The Hon. Mr. FOX laid on tlie tablo the fol. lowing papers : — Statement of amount expended out of the Loan of JIoO.CWO, from 13th July, 1861, to 31st March, 1863. Papers relative to an inquest held at Wanganui. Mr. WARD laid on the table Regulations of the Otago Gold-fields, under the Gold-fields Act, 1858. Despatch relative to the position of the Deputy Commissary-General in New Zealand. At five o'clock the House adjourned till seven, at which time it was understood Mr. FOX would deliver his statement of Native Poilcy. EVENING SITTING. Native Lands Regulation Bill. The Hon. Mr. FOX on moving for leave to introduce a Bill to regulate the disposal of native land said, I rise with a greater feeling of responsibility than what may seem justified by a mere motion of course, but as it is understood that I am to make on this occasion a statement of the Native policy of the Government, I am aware that the House will expect to hear from me a full account of what we have done and mean to do in reference to this subject. I might perhaps reply to the request which has been made to me to do so, in the words of Sir Walter Raleigh's mother when her son asked her for information "read and you will know," for 1 can add but very little to the mass of information laid on the table of the House and with which I have no doubt most hon. members have made themselves acquainted. But, Sir, I am aware from the public press that many misapprehensions do exist in the minds of persons outside this House in reference to this subject, and possibly may also pervade the minds of members in it, and if I can remove some of these I shall be glad to do it. I shall also by this course give the Government the benefit of that fair and candid criticism which I have no doubt will be bestowed upon the policy of the Government, and which if bestowed in that spirit cannot but be conducive to the public good. One misapprehension which has existed and been very industriously circulated, and may be attended with the most injurious effects, is as to the parentage of the native policy. I have seen it repeatedly stated by some of the public journals that that policy is tho policy of the Governor only, and that his ministers have had no hand in it, and only given a blind and unreasoning acquiesence in it ; that consequently it is a mere Imperial question with which the colony has nothing to do but sit still and look on. On the other hand other journals have asserted that the policy is that of the ministry alone, that the Governor stands aloof in the spirit of some grim Mophistophcles, waiting for the time when his ministers having disgracefully failed he may step in as a Deus c marchi na, and thrust them and their policy on one side : and in one journal I have seen both views asserted within three months of each other. Now this may seem a small matter in itself; but it causes distrust either in the native mind or the European ; it may impose serious obstacles in the way of our practical work, I am therefore desirous of exposing the falsehood of all their various assertions. The policy is His Excellency's policy; but has, and has had from the first, the full, cordial, and thorough concurrence of his ministers, who are earnestly devoting themselves to the tasK of carrying it into operation. Reference to a few documents will make this matter clear, and show that not only are the Governor and his ministers jointly parties to the native policy, but that the Imperial Government has itself suggested and beforehand approved of the only course we have adopted in the colony. I beg to refer to the further passages from His < Excellency's despatches as showing how the plan originated with him. " I have had frequent and anxious consultations with the ministers regarding the future ; and if the present crisis is got over and peace established, I think I see my way quite clearly to the introduction of plans which will completely and lastingly set upon a proper footing the interests and mutual rotations of the native and European races. £am unwilling to speak too confidently on so extremely difficult a subject, and I desire to say nothing that seems rash or presumptuous ; but if peace can be established, 1 really think I can shortly introduce institutions which will satisfactorily solve tho whole question and establish Her Majesty firmly iv the affections of her native subjects in New Zealand. ' "In the meantime 1 beg to inform your Grace that the general features of the policy I propose are — not to be hurried into a renewal of military operations, if these can be advantageously avoided ; to immediately introduce into all such parts of this Island as will receivo them (and I hope this will embrace nearly thtt whole Island) Institutions suited to the present circumstances and future growth of the country, and which will supply a want of which the Maories have long complained ; and, lastly, to use tiie present time of intermission of military operations to secure all the friends I can, so as to reduce the number of our enemies, narrow as far as possible the territories hostile to us, and place, by the establishment of law and order in native districts, as many out settlements as possible iv a state of security in tho event of being forced, contrary to my desire, to continue the war." "1 have so carefully considered all points connected with this proposed plan of proceeding, have discussed them with so m:iny able persons, and have so completely met all objections they have raised, that I feel quite satisfied, when my repjrt reaches your Grace, you will feci that 1 have done what you desire. I have also in my project the hearty concurrence and co operation of tho New Zealand Ministry." And when following those deliberate statements of His Excellency 1 assure this House that the plan for the Civil Government of the natives wa, His Eexcellency's own, written by his own hands and submitted to his responsible ministers, I think I have Bhewn beyond cavil or doubt that His Excellency at all event is iutitled to be regarded as its author. Now as regards his Ministers, their known opinions often de. clared in this House, make it certain that they, of all men, would be sure to concur in His Excellency's plan. I need hardly refer to tha part which my colleague the Attorney-General

, and myself took in' refeience to tho Waikato Committee, and to the opinion expressed in out report. But I will quote one or two passages from speeches delivered by myself as leader of the Ministry in this House during the last session. Immediately after taking office, I expressed myself to the following effect, while enunciating the native policy of the Government : — " A third principle on which we will act is this, to use the natives in working out the problem ; without this we can hope for no success. To impose laws uoon them, to give them piles of statutes, to enact " Territorial Rights Bills " or " Mixed Settlement Bills," nothing will come of that; we must en. gage them in the work themselves, and let it proceed from them. To this end we look to the Runanga, or Native Council, as the point d'appui to which to attach the machinery of self-govern-ment, and by which to connect them with our own institutions. The Native Office shudders at the Runanga, and sees nothing but evil in it; wo see nothing but good, provided, as the hon. member for Napier says, we make the proper use of it. The Runanga contains the elements of local self-government in itself; it is the Parliament, the Municipal Council, the substitute for the press, and by its machinery the native mind can be stirred in a few days from end to end of the island. We have no choice but to use it ; it exists as a fact ; it is a part of the very existence of the Maori ; we can no more put it down than we can stay the advancing waves of the rising tide, and if we do not use it for good purposes, it will assuredly be used against us for bad. These, then, are the three great principles of our policy — to treat the Maoris as men — as men of like feelings with ourselves ; to avail ourselves of the great movement of the native mind as'one which has law and order for its object, and to'encourage the Runanga under the legal sanction. But beyond all this we must offer them political institutions for their own self-government, based as far as possible on those already existing among them, much of which is very analogous to the machinery of Government existing among our Saxon ancestors, particularly the Runanga, to which he looked as the great means of their political connection with us. The institutions of Government so established should be worked under European agency, but as far as possible by the natives themselves. In this, Mr. Fox continued, there is little that has not been proposed by others ; perhaps there is nothing new. But what is new the manner in which we propose to bring the subject before the natives. We do not believe in negociations carried on by a brief and dry abstract on paper, nor by the agency of some subordinate official. What His Excellency's advisers will suggest is, that the Government of the Colony should meet the natives face to face ; discuss the whole question at large ; explain our views ; remove the objections, and thus establish that confidence which they have never yet reposed in us, but which must be secured if we are to do any good." Now, when there is added to this expression of our principles beforehand, our memoranda on His Excellency's plan, after he had submitted it to us, to be found in the papers before the House, there seems little reason for supposing that we are either blindly following where we do not approve, or give any other than a cordial and earnest co-operation. Then as to the Imperial Government, I beg to call the attention of the House to a very remarkable despatch from the Duke of Newcastle, written before Sir George Grey had even arrived in the Colony, in which he foreshadows some such plan as His Excellency was actually framing in the Colony, while the Duke's despatch was on its way out : — " This language appears to me to signify one of ttvo things — either that we must avail ourselves of the presence of a superior force to extort from tho Maories a verbal admission of the Queen's rights and an abandonment of obnoxious phrases or that we must avail ourselves of that force in order so to break their power that they will never again dare or be able to re-assert their claim to independence of Colonial authority. The first of these courses would be merely nugatory. A form of phrase imposed by superior force will never prevent the natives from reclaiming substantial independence (if they are inclined to do so) the moment that force is removed. The second implies a desperate, tedious, and expensive war, to which it is impossible to look forward without horror. * * * I think that nothing could bo more impolitic or unfortunate than to allow a sanguinary quarrel to spring up, in order to settle a question of language with uncivilized tribes who do not understand the significance of the terms which they use or those which wo offer for their acceptance. Whatever those terms may be, 1 shonid hope with Sir William Martin that just and effective government, by giving the Natives what they are blindly feeling after, would eventually throw the King movement into tho shade ; and I hold that the great object which may be accomplished by the temporary presence of a large force iv tho colony, is not so much to terrify the Maoris, as to give theta confidence in our just intentions by shewing that the demands which we make upon them, and the measures which we may adopt towards them while they are to a certain extent at our mercy, aro not of* an oppressive or vindictive character, but are dictated by a desire to secure the common well-being of both races in New Zealand. If these views are correct, it would follow that armed force should not be used for the mere purpose of exacting from the Maoris a verbal renunciation of the so-called King. We should endeavour really, to attain the same object by seizing the present opportunity to introduce into Native Districts the beginning of law and order, and so to wean their minds from foolish and dangerous ideas ; partly by the sense of good goveimmejit, and partly by the observation of the power, aTgnity and etnolu • ments which we are prepared to give to the Chiefs through whom acting in concert with the Queen's officers, the Native Government must be carried on, and who in the course of this government must gradually fall more and more under the influence of the constituted authorities. This is no new experiment, but a tried policy which has has succeeded in different quarters and different ages of the world, and it is peculiarly free from prospective danger where as in the present case, tho same independent authority whioh it is proposed to foster is to be committed to those whose power cannot fail from natural causes steadily to decline." 1 think then, the hon. member continued, 1 have swept away those misapprehensions as to the harmony of opinion existing between the Governor, his Ministers and the Home Government, have shewn that no shadow or particle of difference exists among them, and that whoever may be the parent of the plan, its principles are concurred in by them all, and they are thoroughly earnest in thetrjdetermiuation to carry those principles into practical operation. Another point on which I have no doubt the House will be anxious to have some further information, is that of the relations existing between His Excellency and his advisers — in other words, how far they have united to establish the principle of Ministerial responsibility in Native affairs and what they propose in respect of it for the future. The Government has acted cautiously but frankly in the matter. Immedidiately on His Excellency's arrival Ministers laid before him the memorandum on the subject of tho Native Soctetary's department, printed among the papers — but made no suggestion, riis Excellency drew his own inferences and the result was the immediate subordination of this department to the full conduct of Ministers. His Excellency reported to the Homo Government on the subject, to the effect that he intended to carry on his Native administration through his responsible advisors. Ministers accopted practically of tho position, but abstained from reducing to writing the precise limits of their relations to His Excellency, leaving them to be determined by circumstances. On one point however they exercised peculiar caution, not to commit, or attempt to commit the colony without the sanction of this House,— he meant the financa of tho native po-

licy. On this they addressed His Excellency as follows : " Ministers do not shrink from the responsibility of adopting plans involving so large an expenditure, On the contrary, they consider that^ circumstances absolutely require it; and require also that the emergency should be faced at onoe. It would be idle to attempt the solution of existing difficulties by proposing plans for the social improvement of the natives dependent on possible votes of the General Assembly. But His Excellency must not mis-apprehend the extent to which ministers can pledge the colony in a matter of finance. They can and will recommend | to the General Assembly, to make the requisite j provision for the intended objects, and they can and j will stake their positions as ministers, on the Assembly adopting their recommendation; but they have no constitutional power to bind the Assembly before hand." Now in the course they have pursued, lam confident that tho House will approve of the conduct of ministers, viewed only in the light of the circumstances in which they were placed, and the emergency of the case; but if any further justification were necessary, it is to be found in the resolution of the House passed last session, which distinctly enunciate that the time had arrived for subjecting the native administration of the colony to the responsible ministry. This resolution was as follows. 5. " That any reconstruction of the Land Purchase department on a satisfactory basis, necessarily involves also an entire re-organization of the political branch of that service, and that no such re-or-ganization will be effectual or satisfactory to the country, which does not, while fully recongnizing and securing to the Governor both the initiation and the decision where Imperial interests are involved, place the conduct of the ordinary business of native administration under responsibility to the Assembly. 6. That while the committee believe that provision will be cheerfully made to whatever amount shall be requisite for organizing the native service on a sound and efficient basis, so as to retain the good will of the natives, and create the confidence which has never yet been felt by the colonists, they declare their conviction that the House cannot justly be expected in any future session to pass estimates for perpetuating the existing system." So much for the past in reference to this subject. No at as regards the future, I know that a sense of alarm has been created in the minds of some persons hy a Resolution passed recently in the House of Commons, to the effect that all colonies possessing institutions must for the future be prepared to bear the principal cost of their own internal defence, and from this it is inferred that if we attempted to establish ministerial responsibility in Native affairs we should be made liable for all the cost of military and naval assistance from the Imperial Government. Now I pray thesjg hon. gentlemen who stand aghast at this awful resolution to observe that it is directed, not against colonies possessing responsible government but Representative Institutions and if we would avoid the consequences that it is supposed attach to its operation, we mu-it not only repudiate responsible government but pray Parliament to repeal our Constitution in toto. We need not be afraid of this bugbear. The resolution is directed against all tho colonies enjoying self-government and is intended as a wholesome warning not to involve themselves unnecessarily in troubles with internal enemies, in the hope tiiat they can have the service of the British array for nothing. But whatever be the meaning of this Resolution, I do not see how we can get rid of ministerial responsibility in Native affairs. The supposition that we can. rests upon a fallacy which underlies the position of those who havo argued this question elsewhere ; I allude to a series of documents which will be found in the appendices of this House for ;B'JO, from the pen of mv esteemed friends, the hon. Mr. Swainson, the' Venerable Archdeacons Maunsell, and Kissling, and others. Those gentlemen argue on the injustice of submitting to the legislation of a Represontive body, tho interests of the natives, who have no representatives there. Now the fallacy of this argument lies in the supposition that the question is one of the government of the natives inter se. But in fact it is not the government of the natives but the regulation of (he relations between the Natives and Europeans which constitutes the problem we have to solve. The interests of the two races, in this island are so interminably interlaced that it is impossible to sever them, and if you attempt to draw the line, you will find it utterly impossible; either you must submit to the responsible government innumerable questions which affect the natives— or you must hand over to an irresponsible native departmentinnurnerablequestions which affect the Europeans. There is no way of escape and which would be the worst course, there can be little doubt. Besides this it is impossible to Work the new Institutions under the existing law on any other principle. . The whole of the machinery created by the Legislation of 1838 is subject to the Governor in Council — not a district can be assigned— not a magistrate appointed— not a step of any sort taken but by the Governor in Council. If you abandon Responsible Government you must alter all this. Will this House retrace its steps by repealing those Acta or altering them in this particular ? But suppose you do refuso to admit responsible Government and deny your liability for the acts of the Governor acting without his responsible advisers. Will your repudiation of liability protect you ? Do not believe it. The Home Government will not relax its hold if it thinks the. circumstances of the case justly impose liability upon you. No amount of protest will clear you of liability in such a case; and if you attempt to assume such a position in any niggardly spirit or in any spirit of distrust of the liberality of the Home Government you will not be likely to be the more favourably dealt with by it. Besides all this I feel hound to ask you in what position you will place the Governor by refusing to share with him the responsibility of Native administration. Let me call your attention to the expression of his opinion on this subject to the Duke of Newcastle. He writes as follows :—" Under this system there would be two Governments in the colony, which not only would not always aid one , another, but which would sometimes act at cross purposes with oach other. At the present crisis it is quite impossible that Her Majesty's Government could be advantageously carried on under such a system. I therefore immediately arranged to consult my responsible ministers in relation to native affairs in the same manner as upon all other subjects, and in like manner to act through them in relation to all native matters. If any serious difference takes place between us on these subjects I must as in other cases, resort to other advisers and appeal in fact to the General Assembly. Your Grace will in fact I have no doubt, inform me if you wish mo to discontinue the arrangement ; but I think it would be well to leave it permanently in operation until difficulties arise under it, which I do not see any probability of. Any attempt to set up either the Governor or any special body between the natives and General Assembly as a protective power for the natives against the presume! hostility of that body, will I fear, produce an ill effect upon the native mind as making them regard the Assembly as their admitted natural enemies : whilst it will perhaps create in the minds of the General Assembly some prejudice against the natives and against what may be done for them, and a carelessness for their interests, with the protection of which the Assembly would be iv no way charged. Under the system 1 have adopted the Government and Ministers act as mutual checks upon each other. If either of them wishes to force on some proceed ing which the other party regards as unjust to the Nativos, or as injurious to their reasonable interests, it is known to both that the ultimate appeal must bo made to the General Assembly, and that the justness of the intentions of each party will become a matter of public discussion. It is therefore reasonable to think that each of them would carefully consider the grounds on which they were acting, i before incurring the risk of an appeal of this nature. Certainly this Plan throws ft greater responsibility

'" nii.i^i.mi.r ■- - ■-- - y run-lfrffi as I on the General Assembly, in regard to the expenn- j diture on account of any war which their acta in might bring on ; but this would indirectly prove ar a great protection for native interests. The id Assembly will now know that the justnes of their d acts, if disturbances spring from them; will be n publicly canvassed in the British Parliament, that c if misfortune and dangers have undeservedly been n brought upon Her Majesty's European subjects Ay is the misconduct of the natives, then the General it Assembly will receive from England that generous a and liberal support which she has never tailed to i afford to British subjects under such circumstances; c whilst on the other hand, if— (which one may hope 1 would be impossible)— the Colonial Assembly had - been attempting to oppress Her Majesty's nativesubjr jects . its unrighteous conduct would meet with that / public reprobation which it would so justly deserve." i Now if these be His Excellency's views on the . subject, how do you propose to enable him to i carry on a system which he has already pro--3 nouneed impossible ? The advice which the Gof vernor feels bound to give to the House on this » subject is, to let it be as it is. Do not attempt to t repudiate responsibility on the one hand , and do ) not attempt to define too minutely, the relations 5 . of the Governor towards his r esponsible adviser*. , Nothing will be gained by the Jirst course, and . by the latter, confusion and difficulty will to a ; certainty arise. The next subject on which , I think it desirable to touch, is that of the Finance l of the Native Policy. I have seen very absurd . statements in some of the public prints of the ■ colony, as to the reckless unauthorized expenditure, which the Government is supposed to have . already incurred on this object. It will perhaps ! surprise the House when I tell it that of the , £10,000 voted last session for native purposes and which the House declined to appropriate specifically, the ministry have yet a balance in hand, and though liabilities have been incurred beyond that amount, the whole expenditure there included per annum does not amount to more than £13,000. Now as to the finance of the future. His Excellency asked the sum of £50,000 a year. This was apparently double the amount of the vote of the previous year, but in fact it was a saving to tho colony, for His Excellency had very liberally undertaken to forego the contribution towards the cost of Imperial troops now paid by • the" Colony, to the extent of half the cost of the native plans. This as the whole cost would be £50,000, we should only have to vote £25,003, and the equal balance would be provided from the source indicated. An. additional advantage of this was that whereas if the amount was paid to the Imperial Government, it will be spent out of the colony, by this liberal arrangement it will be spent here. In fact, the colony would really save by the transaction, viewed in the abstract. And if we considered how great the saving was as compared with a war policy, there was no doubt of the economy of His Excellency's proposal. On this head, continued the hon. member, I beg to quote again from His Excellency's despatches. " It need hardly be added that the total annual expenditure upon all these objects, which expenditure will last but for a short period of time/will not nearly equal the mere annual interest of the capital which will be sunk without producing any return whatever, in the first year of a general war ; which will thsn probably last for several years, and at the close ot which when the out settlements had been swept away, and the settlers had been ruined, it will still remain necessary to take such measures for the permanent peace of the colony, as it is now proposed to take at once." I now approach the more painful part of my subject, I mean that which relates to the condition of Taranaki. This House will give me credit, when I express the deep sympathy which " is felt by His Excellency and his" ministers for all who have suffered loss or injury by the late unhappy war in that province. Gladly will wereinstato it not only in its pristine prosperity, butmake it ten times what it was before. But in approaching practical action in the matter, we must bear in mind, that we have not only the interests of Taranaki to consider but those of all tho European colonists in the island as well, and equally with theirs the interests of all that large majority of the Natives who have not been engaged in hostilities against us. As regards this part of the subject and the occupation of the district of Tataraimaka by the hostile natives these matters have a military aspect and considerations which must be left to His Excellency alone. Ido not pretend to know His Excellency's views on the subject, and if I did I should consider it most improper to divulge them in this place. But I do feel bound to disclaim the smallest particle of responsibility, either on the part of His Excellency or of his Ministers, in reference to the condition of Taranaki. As it is, so we found it. We are not responsible for its calamities. And as regards that peculiarly distressing pomt — the occupation of Tataraimaka in particular, we cannot be blamed. I beg to refer to the published papers on this point. It will be seen that at the termination of hostilities the Ngatiruanui and Taranaki's had entirely retired from that district, and gone some 40, some 80 miles south of Taranaki. At this juncture General Cameron asked Governor Browne whether he should locate a force at Tataraimaka, and had he done so, the natives would never have been able to intrude there. Governor Browne, in a despatch of three linfts, declined the offer, and the natives gradually — but long before we took office—crept back and took possession. tiVe may refer to various authorities; to Governor Browne, General Cameron, Mr. Whi taker, to show that any attempt to invade the country of these tribes could be attended with no advantage, and would in all probability draw on a general war. Now this the Ministry were not prepared to advise. Their advice to the Governor in reference to the Taranaki question they have given in plain, distinct, and, I think, manly terms ; it is in print, and before the House. But it is for His Excellency to choose his own time, ana act for himself, in reference to a matter involving almost exclusively military considera- ' tions. 1 shall not detain the House much longer, but I feel bound to express the opinion of the Government as to the progress which we have made in carrying out the policy we undertook. On the whole, regard being had to the means at our disposal, and the time which has elapsed, it has been most satisfactory, and much more success has been attained than we could have expected. We found the whole native population, even the most friendly tribes, filled with deep distrust and intense suspicion of the Government. The bulk of them trembled on a line between peace and war, and were fast gravitating to the latter. We have succeeded, we think, in restoring the confidence in us of large sections of the race, and we believe that a very general distrust of the King movement, accompanied by an inclination towards our rule, is now in progress. I may Bpecify an instance which has occurred within ten days, noc 80 miles from where we stand, namely, the entire defection from the King movement of two hapus numbering 200 souls, previously the most determined Kingites— the followers and relatives of Rangihaeata, the fighting General of the war of 1846, who have come over in a body to the Queen, and are likely to be followed by nearly all the West Coast south of Wanganni. In fact there is; a great shaking of the native mind going on; they begin to tire of the folly of the King movement, and are looking to us for law and order and though tho work is one requiring time, labour, and patience, the Government is hopefully confident that the problem will be solved ; that the native race will be restored to its allegiance without bloodshed ; and that the British name will be spared the dark stain which would attach to it through all history, and no lapse of time would ever efface. The Hon. R. WOOD seconded the motion, which was agreed to without discussion. The Bill was then read a first time, ordered to be printed and to be read a second time on Friday next. The House then adjourned at- 20 minutes to I nine o'clock.