Fateful Day For United States; The Election

Wanganui Chronicle, 8 November 1950, Page 5

Fateful Day For United States; The Election

Mid-Term Vote Is An Uncertainty

NEW YORK, Nov. 7 (Reed. 11.20 pm).—This is fateful day for 50,000,000 United States voters. In a mid-term Congressional election, their decision, in the throes of an acute international crisis, will have one of these three effects:

(1) By a grand turnover to Republicans they could give that party control in Congress and hamstring Mr Truman's domestic and foreign '■ policies.

(2) They could substantiate the present Democratic majorities in the Senate, and the House of Representatives or even increase them, thus allowing Mr Truman's policies of the last two years to be pursued to their logical conclusions.

(3) By an indecisive vote they could whittle the Democratic majorities to an extent which would not seriously impair a Democratic control of Congress, or which, though leaving the Democrats “paper control,” would even frustrate the administration.

In the final estimates political observers attempting impartial assessments, firmly believe that there will be no landslide to either party. Only a minute majority think the Democrats will even hold their present strengths. The consensus is that the Republicans will make gains, but not enough to win control of either House. But the importance of such gains if achieved, Is that they would probably stalemate Mr Truman’s programmes and make legislating chaotic.

Both the Senate, with a Democrat majority of 12 and the House, with one of 89, had rebellious elements which had to be counted as opponents. They were whipped into party line to achieve the administrations objectives last session. Any Republican strengthening would add to a rank and file Democrat rebellion and resentment.

The stark truth facing Mr Truman, therefore, is that he cannot afford losses of Congressional strength. He might stand limited losses in the House, where even a fairly substantial turnover of say 30 seats would still leave him in a position of "paper” strength. But it is the Senate voting that holds the key to Mr Truman's administration’s fate, and with it to a great extent the future of world administration, supporters believe. Whereas the whole House of 435, with the exception of three Republicans who were elected in Maine in September, 1949, faces the electors, only 36 of the 96 Senators have to seek rewarming of their seats. ' But the rub for Mr Truman is that 23 of those 36 are Democrats. Primaries by which a party chooses its candidates have already robbed him of several out and out Trumanites, like Senators Claude Pepper (Florida), Frank Graham (North Carolina). Their successors, assured of election in these States, will be Truman critics. Others of the 23 have had rough going in their campaigns, including some in States which Mr Truman carried in the 1948 presidential campaign only by his magnetic coast-to-coast stumping tour. Well known Democrat Senators in fight for life campaigns are Scott Lucas, Illinois, Senate majority leader; Francis Myers, Pennsylvania, majority whip; Millard Tyldings, Maryland, chairman of the Armed Services Committee; Brien McMahon, Connecticut, chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Committee; Albert Thomas, Utah, chairman of the Labour Committee. On the other side of the fcVice, Republican Senators whose political fate is trembling are Robert Taft, Ohio, who is the party's policy leader; Eugene Millikin, Colorado; Donnell, Missouri; Ho(mer Capehart, Indiana. Of these I “bigwigs” of both parties. Senators like Lucas, Tyldings, McMahon and Taft, appear likely to weather the storm. One factor that might have been under-estimated by even cautious I observers predicting limited Democrat 'reverses is the pro-administration i strength in the farm and labour vote.