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JAPAN AND AMERICA

COURSE OF RELATIONS > * i DRAMATIC DAY AT YEDO ITS MODERN FRUITS. Japan has been celebrating th eightieth anniversary of the nation’ opening to diplomatic and commercia intercourse with the Western work As this historic event came abou through the arrival of the America , fleet under Commodore Perry in 1851 the celebrations naturally assumed a: American-Japanese character, with pre minent officials representing bof countries, writes J. Dempo in the Syd ney Morning Herald. In this mntun exchange of compliments the most re markable aspect was Japan’s praise o America for leading her into the conur of modern nations, because this stand; out in marked contrast to the view taken by many Japanese in the past and especially at the time when the treaty intercourse was conceded tt America. Eighty years ago the appear auce of the American fleet of “blacl ships” in the bay of Yedo was re garded as an intimidation of Japan forcing her to agree to a treaty o commerce and amity when she wantet to have no relations whatever w ; tl foreigners. The Shogun signed tin treaty only because he supposed tha force would be resorted to if he re fused. In no other way could he under stand the arrival of the warships. Thi Foreign Minister of the day, or Priim Minister, as he would now be called the famous li-Kamon-no-Kami, wa; promptly assassinated because the Em pcror had been insulted by the Shogm in concluding a treaty without Im perial consent. The present attitude of official ar. qu ( sconce in the mission of the Ameri can fleet, and in the opening of Japai to Western intercourse throngn. Ameri can intervention is very interesting a an indication of Japanese psychology winch always approves of what can not, or could not, be helped. The twe greatest mistakes in Japan’s history were her rejection of the Christia; Church and its extermination in the seventeenth century, and her policy o!

isolation from the Western world for more than two centuries. Her martyrdom of the church and 200,000 of her own best citizens isolated Japan morally and spiritually from Christendom, while her expulsion of foreigners, and refusal of all diplomatic intercourse with the West, left her a handicap of nearly three hundred years behind the Western world in politics, education, and industry. Aid Given Her. Even then, Japan would scarcely have been able to overcome this handicap, to the degree that she has done in the last eighty years, had it not been for the practical sympathy of the Eng-lish-speaking nations whom now she seems to suspect of working contrary to her interests. There arc those who fear that under the influence of military reactionaries Japan is being forced into resumption of the feudal isolation policy that kept her so long and so far behind the Western world. Although in the recent celebrations Japan has approved of what America and Britain have done to lead her into the position of a firstclass Power and make her one of the foremost of industrial nations, her policy in the last two or three years causes a suspicion that she no longer desires their advice or assistance, but rather covets complete independence, and that at a time when the nations of the world were never more interdependent, whether they will or no. But if the pupil attempts to supplant the teacher so suddenly and drastically the results can hardly be satisfactory, especially as the teachers were never greater than they are to-day. No greater mistake could be made than io suppose tihat the reticence is due to mere funk, rather than to reasons of humanity. For thirty years Japan’s bent friends, both in the Press and on platforms, ami even in legislative halls and universities, have been contending that the peace and prosperity of Japan and the Ear East depends on friendly cooperation between Britain, America, Japan, and China; that these four nations must pursue a policy for the mutual benefit of all concerned, the strong helping the weak, and none menacing the rights or interests of the others. Up to the end of the AngloJapanese Alliance in 1922 this policy was but partially implemented, owing to the weakness of China and the ambitions of certain Western nations; but the Washington Conference of 1921, facing the threatened disintegration of China, attempted to safeguard the situation and discourage aggressors by concluding the Nine-Power Treaty, guaranteeing the territorial integrity of China; and now that the treaty has not succeeded in its purpose, another international conference is to meet next year to straighten out the situation. Reasons Wanted. At that conference Japan -will have to state plainly why she intends to command a navy second to none; and if her answer implies the intention to use it against American and British interference in Chinese affairs, in case China is threatened with territorial disruption through the aggression of another na-

tion the situation will at least b clarified. The entire situation turns on Japan’ suspicions of Britain and America i the Far East. Japan is afraid o Russia, but her fears in that directio: would be greatly alleviated could sh know whether Britain and Anicric would be neutral in case of a clast with Russia. But doubt in this respec is increased by the suspicion. tha Britain and America are pursuing ; policy -wholly in their own national in forests in regard to China, and the Fa East with a view to taking the plum if China should go to pieces. On th other hand, if they should succeed i: stabilising China and leading her t economic and political rehabilitation they may utilise her to prevent th hegemony of Japan in Eastern Asin This is why Japan has recently warnet the Western world that China must no be assisted to such an extent or in sue! a manner which would strengthen he ambition to resist Japan in any way since Japan intends to control Fa Eastern affairs. All changes in th Far East will be determined am guided by Japan alone. Japan’s con ception of a Monroe Doctrine, for East ern Asia is that she. not only has tie right to prevent the int©reference o any Western nation in Oriental at fairs, but that she has the right tinterfere in Far Eastern affairs at an; time if her national interests so de cide. If Britain and America desirto keep Japan second to them on th; sea. they wil be dissappointed. I China needs further tutelage or assist anco Japan is prepared to act in tna capacity. For America and Britain t< insist on taking a share in determinin' the future of China is quite as absure as for Japan to insist on directing tm policy of Mexico or Egypt.. Problem of the Soviet. T© control both China and Russia ii her own interests, Japan must retail control of Manchuria as a buffer Stat’ between herself and them. Siirni Western nations, as represented a Geneva, appear to be opposed t< Japan’s hegemony of the Far East, am even to her intereference in Chinco< affairs when they menace Japan’ safety, Japan is building up a grea army and navy equal to any in bh< world, in order to maintain her policy and position in the Far East by forc< if necessary. She hopes that this per f ection. and strength of armaments wil discourage all intereference with he Far Eastern policy. So long as Enropt and America seem wholly occupied wit! their own economic and armamenta disputes, Japan feels she may safe]; go ahead and consolidate her positioi in China and the Far East. Owing to apprehensions as to wha may be sprung upon her at the ap pro-aching International confere.we nex year, Japan is sounding Westen opinion in various ways, an example o which was the recent semi-official de c.aration to Western nations oi “hands-off” China. It is most dosir able that Britain and America shouh acquiesce in Span’s development to wards a protectorate over China. Thi was implied in the notorious 21 de mands presented to China in 1915, sonn of which were subsequently postponed but not abandoned. But China is stil holding out against Japanese intimida tion in hopes that Western nations wil not violate the League of Nations’ re solution against Japan, and see that sh< gets justice. This trust in such a brokei reed as the League, and in British am American talk, by China rankles in thi heart of Japanese leaders, tempting tin Tokio General Staff to go on showing China that Britain and America arc to< scared of Japan to check her polic; towards China. On the other hand, Japan has to kecq in mind that the English-speakin-nations will not endure any ehallengi to their honour; if they sign a treat; they -will stand by it and defend it a all hazards. This renders the entin situation increasingly delicate, and dif ficult to hide by exchange of compli ments.

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Bibliographic details

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 77, Issue 154, 2 July 1934, Page 9

Word Count
1,489

JAPAN AND AMERICA Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 77, Issue 154, 2 July 1934, Page 9

JAPAN AND AMERICA Wanganui Chronicle, Volume 77, Issue 154, 2 July 1934, Page 9

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