The Wanganui Chronicle. "NULLA DIES SINE LINEA” SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1922. THE AMERICAN STRIKES.

Wanganui Chronicle, Volume LXXVI, Issue 18557, 12 August 1922, Page 4

The Wanganui Chronicle. "NULLA DIES SINE LINEA” SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1922. THE AMERICAN STRIKES.

Following the rejection of President Harding’s effort to bring about a settlement the latest news indicates that the two great strikes which for weeks past have been in progress in the United States are spreading. The miners’ strike (or lock-out) began on April Ist, and a few weeks later the railwaymen walked out. The miners' strike involves about 600,000 men, and the railway over 1,000,000. With the coming of July the miners’ strike had settled down to an endurance test, and now, on the heels of the President’s futile effort, we have the railwaymen announcing their determination to fight to a finish. Early in July, the Civil Liberties’ Bureau, in dealing with the miners’ strike, declared: “The Civil Liberties’ Bureau,. in dealing with the miners’ strike, declares, “The coal strike has produced repressive measures by force or injunction in the Gallup district of New Mexico, where the troops are in control; in Huarfano country, Colorado, where the State Rangers are in practical control; in various parts of West Virginia, where Mingo is still under martial law, and in several counties of Western Pennsylvania, where nonunion miners have joined the strikers in large numbers.” In view of the magnitude of the industrial upheaval, it is interesting to learn, on the authority of the well-informed correspondent of the Melbourne Age, some facts concerning the organisation of Labour in America. The American Federation of Labour is the principal organisation. Its president is Samuel Gompers, cigar maker, born in London, of Jewish parentage. He has been president since its foundation in 1881. The membership in 1900 was 584,321; in 1910 it was 1,562,112; in 1920 it was 4,079,740. The federation is made up of over a hundred national and “international” unions—by “international” meaning the inclusion of Canada. In 1919 it consisted of 111 national and international unions, 46 State federations, 816 city central bodies, 894 local trade and Federal labour unions, 33,852 local unions, five departments and 572 local departmental councils. The five departments are made up of unions for special co-operation and comprise the fol-lowing:—-Union label, building j trade, metal trades, railway employees, mining, The organisation of the American Federation of Labour is mainly along craft lines,, the aim being to protect the worker by maintaining a monopoly of labour in each trade. As a result, the large body of unskilled and foreign labour is

outside the federation; in fact, is un-

organised. The federation, as is [ well known, belongs to the conserva-. live ring of the labour world. Outside the American Federation of La-j bour, but working in harmony with I it, are the four railway brother-! hoods—the engineers, the firemen, ■ the conductors and the tram men—l who carried through the successful movement for an eight-hour law in 1916, and have declared themselves as in favour of what is known as the Plumb Plan (from Glenn E. Plumb), which proposes Government purchase of railways, then to be operated by a committee of management made up of managers and workers in the railways. Within the American Federation of Labour there has been for years an active minority favouring industrial unionism. William L. Foster, former leader of the big steel strike in 1919, is perhaps the most prominent promoter of industrial unionism. In this he has recently been severely attacked by President Gompers, who charges Foster- with being allied with Lenin, Trotsky and Co. for the purpose of j disrupting the American Federation i of Labour by replacing' it with "ten' great so-called Industrial unions,” I and by open advocacy of "affiliation j with the Third Internationale.” The! American Federation of Labour isj opposed to separate labour organisation for political purposes, but eu-' gages in active operations through) the existing parties. In 1906 it set up candidates for congress, but under regular party tickets. In 1908 it gave its official endorsement to a j Presidential candidate, who was defeated. During the war the federation gave active co-operation to the Government. In the last Presidential election the federation endorsed Mr. Cox, who was defeated. The federation has been consistently opposed to any form of Socialism. Samuel Gompers has been the autocrat of the federation, and his ideas have dominated. However, there have been strong movements contrary to his domination. Great local organisations, like New York and Chicago, have gone against instructions in the matter of political action, and the national convention in Montreal, 1920, adopted a resolution for Government ownership of railways and Inland waterways, along with their democratic control. There is a Labour party now in Illinois, also one in New York. In several parts of the west the farmers and city workers have combined into what is called the Farmers’ Labour party. The Industrial Workers of the World (1.W.W.) is a rival of the A.F. of !»., although of comparatively small proportions. Its object is industrial

unionism with a revolutionary purpose. It is frequently as hostile to the orthodox trade unions as to the capitalists. Its exact membership is about 60,000 or 70,000. Its work has been chiefly among the migratory workers of the west and middlewest, agricultural and lumber workers, miners and construction workers. With America confronted with two big strikes—the miners and the railway men—no one would be rash enough to predict either which side will win or what will be the status of the Labour movement afterwards. The correspondent points out, however, that there are several possibilities fraught with momentous consequences. Since the workers in the mines and on the railways are as efficiently organised as those of any other industry failure ou the part of the strikers might involve wrecking the whole tradeunion movement. On the other hand, if the strikers succeed the Government step in, as it did temporarily with the railroads during the war, and nationalise them, or exercise a close supervision of management. Americans sometimes move quickly in public emergency, and there is a possibility of the end of 1922 seeing mines and railways practically in Government hands. The miners have always declared in favour of Government ownership of mines, while the railway brotherhood have declared in favour of the plural plan, involving partial management by the workers. The two big strikes give promise of important changes—either toward greater conservatism, with a smashing of the unions, or toward radicalism approximating revolution with or without violence. Should America make a leap towards industrial radicalism, it will not be toward socialisation, but toward nationalisation, for Socialism has not made a deep impression on the American mind.