BRITAIN’S FIGHT TO FREE EUROPE.

Waipawa Mail, Volume XXXVI, Issue 7752, 22 July 1916, Page 3 (Supplement)

BRITAIN’S FIGHT TO FREE EUROPE.

PEACE COUNSELS THAT IGNORE UNSPEAKABLE WRONGS. A NEW GERMANY. THAT WILL NOT PLAN WARS TO BEGIN ON CHOSEN DATES.

We print below, says the London "Daily News,” in the form of an interview given to Mr. Edward Price Hell, of the ‘‘Chicago News.” a notable statement by Sir Edward Grey on the present objects of Great Britain and her Allies in the war. The Foreign Secretary spoke a month ago, but the interview is only now released for publication, and whether by design or not. will be read as a reply to the recent peace feelers put forth by Germany. The Allies can, says Sir Edward Grey, tol<rate no peace that leaves the wrongs of the war unredressed. Abstract counsels of peace that ignore the unspeakable injustice imposed upon Belgium and make no attempt to discriminate between the rights and wrongs of the struggle, are ineffective and Irrelevant. The pledges given by Mr. Asquith as ho the restoration of Serbia and Belgium shall be kept and the pact with our Allies will be honoured strictly and to the end. In a remarkable passage the Foreign Secretary replies to the statement of the German Chancellor that this country desires to destroy “united and free Germany’ : “We want no. thing of the sqrt, but we should bo glad to see the German people free, and we believe that when once the dreams of world empire are brought to nought they will insist on the control of their own Government. A German democracy will not plan wars as Prussian militarism has done, to take place at a chosen date in the future." BRITAIN’S CASE. SIR E. GREY ON THE FIGHT FOR A FREE EUROPE. "Prussian tyranny over Western Europe, including these Islands, our people will not stand. The pledges given by Mr. Asquith as regards the restoration of Belgium and Serbia shall be kept. We have signed a pact lo make prate only in concert wtih our Allies; this pact, i need not say, we shall honour, strictly, and to the end. “What we and our Allies are fighting for is a free Europe. We want a Europe free not only from the domination of ono nationality by another, but from hectoring diplomacy and the. peril of war, free front the constant rattling of the sword in th scabbard, from perpetual talk ol shining armour and war lords. In fact,” added Sir Edward, reflectively, "we feel we are fighting for equal rights; for law, jUßtice, pence: for civilisation, throughout the world, as against brute fort e which knows no restraint and no mercy.” “What do you mean Gy the phrase. ■<lestructoiu of Prussian militarism’?” L asked Sir Edward. INTOLERABLE; TERMS. "What Prussia proposes, as we understand her. is Prussian supremacy,” lie replied. “She proposes a Europe modelled and ruled by Prussia. She i- to dispose of the liberties of her neighbours, and of us all. We say ihat li f c on these terms is intolerable. And this, also, is what France .and R Bia ay. We are not fighting Prussia’s attempt to do. In this instance, to all of Burnpe what she did to non-Prussian Germany. but fighting the German idea of the wholesomene3s, almost the desirability, of ever-recunent war. Prussia under Bismarck deliberately ind admittedly made three wars. Mle want a settled peace in Europe and throughout the world, which will he a guarantee against aggressive war. Germany’s philosophy is that a settled peace spells disintegration, egeneracy the sacrifice of the heroic qualities in human character Such a philosophy if it is to survive as :t practical force, means eternal apprehension and unrest. It means everincreasing armaments. It means ar-c-ting the development of mankind • long the lines of cultturo and futility We are fighting this idea. “We do ret believe in war as the preferable method of settling disputes 1,, tween nations. When nations cannot see eye to eye when they quarrt I. when there is a threat ol war, we 1 lieve the controversy rliould bo . ttied by methods other than those of war. Such other methods .ire alwavs snece Kful when there is goodill and nc aggressive spirit. SUBMISSION OR WAR. "Our proposal of a conference : jected by Germany: Russia, Franco • .I Italy all accepted it. Our propc--1 ti nt Germany suggest some means ~r peaceful settlement met with no , , n 6r did the Tsar’s proposal of arbitration. No impaitlal Jurtgt ol any kind was to l e permitted to enter. It was a rase of Europe submitting to the Teutonic will or going to war. j\fter n moment’s reflection, . ir Luv;,nl continued: “These two methods n settling international disputes H e method of negotiation and the method of war—f ask you to consu.i> r i n the light of this struggle, uo we rot see the disaster of the war ethod conclusively shown? How milch hotter would have been a eonfrrence, or The Hague, in 1914, than what has happened since! Industry air' commerce dislocated; the burdens of life heavily increased; millions of men slain, maimed, blinded: International hatreds deepened and intensified; the very fabric of civilisation menaced —these from the war method. ••The conference we proposed, ot The Hague proposed by the Tsar, would have settled the quarrel In a little time—l ‘ think a conference would have settled it in a week —and all these calamities would have bee.n averted. Moreover —a thing of vast importance—we should have gone a long way in laying the permanent foundations for international peace." “The injustice done by this war j has got to be set right. The Allies <

can tolerate no peace that leaves the wrongs of this war uuredressed. When persons come to me with pacific counsels, I think ihey should tell me what sort of peace they have in inlnd. They should let me know on which side they stand, for the opponents do not agree. If they think, for example, that Belgium was innocent of offence; that she has been unspeakably wronged that she should be set up again by those who bore her down then, it seems to me, they should say go. Peace counsels that aie purely abstract and make no attempt to discriminate between the rights and the wrongs of this war are ineffective, if not irrelevant.” “Desire for conquest, lust for revenge, and jealousy of the economic competitor in the world market,” I reminded Sir Edward, “were suggested by Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg as "the three driving forces of the coalition against Germany before the war.’” GERMANY'S UNFOUNDED CLAIMS. “There was no coalition against Germany before the war,” answered Sir Edward. “Germany knew thore was no coalition against her. We had assured her, in the most formal and categorical way, that in no circumstances would we be a party to any aggression against her. She wanted us to pledge ourselves to unconditional neutrality—wanted us to declare that no matter what she did on the Continent we should not interfere. “It is true that she always referred to a possible war forced on her. The trouble was that she gave us no test of a war forced on her. She remained free to claim that any war was forced on her. I need hardly remind you that at the outset Italy, the third member of the Triple Alliance, definitely refused to accept this view. No one thought of attacking Germany; there was not a measure taken by any other Power that was not purely defensive; the German preparations were for attack, and were far ahead of others on the Continent." "You observed the German Chancellor’s recent reference to Belgium as a ‘bulwark?’ " “Belgium was a bulwark —defensive of Germany, of France, and of European peace. This bulwark, un- 1 til Germany decided to make war, was in no danger from any quarter. I In April. 1913, we had given renewed assurance to Belgium to respect her neutrality. When war threatened we asked France if she would adhere to her pledge to respect the neutrality of Belgium. She said ‘Yes.’ We asked Germany the same question, and she declined to answer. DESTROYED THE BULWARK. “Immediately afterwards, in scorn of her signature, she assaulted and destroyed the bulwark. Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg acknowledged the wrong, pleading that ‘necessity knows no law,* and promised that as soon as Germany’s military aims were reali ised she would restore Belgium. Now he says there can he no satus quo ante either in the East or in the West. In other words, Belgium’s independence is gone, .as Serbia’s and Montenegro’s are gone, 'unless the Allies ran set them up ngain. “To all this we say to Germany, ‘Recognise the principle urged by lovers of freedom everywhere; give to the nationalities of Europe a real freedom, not the so-called freedom doled out to subject peoples by Prussian tyranny, .and make reparation as far as it can bo made for the wrong done.’ " “Should you mind indicating the object of Britain’s rapprochements in recent years?” r asked. “Good relations and an end to qu.arrelr with other Powers. Going Ic.r back, we had working relations with the Triple Alliance. But we wore habitually in friction with France or Russia. Again and again it brought us to the verge of war. So we decided to come to .an arrangement with France, and then with Russia—not with any hostile intent towards Germany, or any other Power. but wholly to pave the way to permanent peace. So. instead 01 preparing for war, .as Germany asseits, without a vestige of truth to support the assertion, we were endeavouring to avoid war. And German statesmen knew we were endeavouring to avoid war and not to make it.” peace with justice. “Nobody wants peace more than v/e want it. But we want a peace that docs justice, and a peace that re-c-tabli-lies respect for the public law of the world. Presumably Germany would like neutrals to think we arc applying pressure to keep France, Bus-ala and Italy in the war. We are net. "France, Russia and Ttaly need no urging to keep them in the war. They knew why tlicv are In the war. They know they are in it to preserve everything that is precious to nationality. It is this knowledge which makes them so determined and unconquerable. It is quite impossible for me to express lo you our admiration or the achievements of our associates in this struggle. And as is the measure of our admiration, so also will be the measure of our contribution to the common cause. You have noted that Herr Von Bethmann-Hollweg affirms that Britain wants tc destroy ‘united and free Germany.’ " “We never were smitten with any such madness. We want nothing of the sort, and Elerr Von BethmannHollwegg knows we want nothing of Hie sort. We should be glad to seo the German people free, as we ourselves want to be free, and we want the other nationalities of Eurove and of the world to be fre. It belongs to the rudiments of political science, it is abundantly taught by history, that you cannot enslave a people and make a success of the job I —that you cannot kill a people’s soul I by foreign despotism and brutality.

THE HOPE OF FREEDOM. “We aspire to embark upon no such course of folly and futility towards another nation. We believe that the German people—when once th dreams of world-empire, cherished by pan-Germanism, are brought to nought—will insist upon the control of its Government; and in this lies the hope of secure freedom and nainoal independence in Europe. For a German democracy will not plot and plan wars, as Prussian militarism plotted wars, to take place at a chosen date in the future.” in the midst of Avar Sir Edward Grey’s great vision remains a vision of peace—not a wobbly peace, not a peace vulnerable to political and militarist intrigue and ambition, but a peace secured by the unified and armed purpose of civilisation. Long before this Avar Sir Edward hoped for a league of nations that would be united, quick, and instant to prevent and, if need be, to punish violation of international treaties, of public right, of national independence, and would say to nations that come forward with grievances and claims,“Put them before an impartial tribunal. Subject your claims to the test of law or the judgment of impartial men. If you can win at this bar you will get Avhat you Avant; if you cannot, you shall not have what you want; and, if you attempt to start a wary-we shall adjudge you the common enemy of humanity, and treat you accordingly. As footpads, safebreakers, burglars, and incendiaries are suppressed in nations, so those Avho Avould commit these crimes and incalculably more than these crimes, will be suppressed among nations.” THE FIGHT* 1 TO END WAR. “Unless mankind learns from this Avar to avoid Avar,” said Sir Edward, in conclusion, ‘ the struggle will have been in vain. Furthermore, it seems to me that over humanity will loom the menace of destruction. The Germans have thrown the door wide open to every form of attack upon human life. The use of poisonous fumes, or something akki to them, in war was recommended to our naval or military authorities many years ago, and Avas rejected by them as too horrible for civilised peoples to use. “The Germans have come Avith floating mines in the open seas, threatening belligerents and neutrals equally; they have come Avith the undiscriminating murderous Zeppelin.which does military damage only by accident; they have come with the submarine, which destroys neutral and belligerent ships and crews in scorn alike of IaAY and of mercy; they have come upon blameless nations with invasion and incendiarism and confiscation; they have come AA'itli poisonous gases and liq.uid fire. All their scientific genius has been dedicated to Aviping out human life. Thev 1 avc forced there things into general use in war. “If the world cannot organise against war, if war must go on, then rations can protect themselves hencefoith only by using whatever destructive agencies they can invent, till the resojicev and inventions of science end by destroying the humanity that they were meant to serve. The Germans assert that their culture is so extraordinarily superior that It gives them a moral right to impose it upon the rest of the world by force. Will the outstanding contribution or Killtur disclosed in this war be such efficiency in slaughter as lo lead lo wholesale extermination? The Prussian authorities have ap! arently but one idea of peace, an won peace imposed on other nations by German supremacy. They do not understand that free men and free nations yill rather die than submit to that ambition, and rhat there can be no end of Avar till it 13 defeated and renounced.”