SOCIAL POLITICS IN NEW ZEALAND.

Star (Christchurch), Issue 4570, 15 February 1893, Page 4

SOCIAL POLITICS IN NEW ZEALAND.

(By Sib Julias Voqkl, in the Fort nightly Review.) * * * * * * To properly conceive the social politics of any country it ia neceesary to consider in some measure the circumstances under which they have grown up. The habits, customs and modes of thought handed down and, to a certain extent, crystallised by a succession of generations, must exercise a great influence on the minds and lives of a people, and unfortunately, according to their nature, they are liable to exeroise a pernicious as well as a beneficial effect. Suppose a small number of persons to go out from a densely populated country bristling with old traditions to a new land, carrying with them the memory of freedom and liberty won by a long sneceQßion of struggles between various classes extending over hundreds of years, and also taking with. them the belief that more freedom and liberty are yet to be attained, and that the struggles are not ended; suppose this band of people 'find that within what appears to them a practically unlimited area they are free to work out their own destinies, make their own laws, decide their own conditions of existence; is it not ! clear that their progress will not be exactly parallel with that of the. people, they leave behind themP The pioneer band will undoubtedly number many who will glory in the idea that they have taken in charge a land free from monopolies and unbound, by inherited conditionu th&fa conflict with the happiness of the majority of the population. I Bat some of the band will consist of men proud of the history of the past which has led to the gradual enfranchisement of a people, and this portion of the band will not be well disposed to experiments of a rash character. Thus there will be two i elements, the one well disposed to new I departures, the other inclined to pause before adopting novel ideas; and these | two elements will, to a certain extent, be harmonised by the common toad of material aspirations— -the &a d question. | It is unlikely, almost impossible, that the old and the new oommunitiea will not, under their different surroundings, diverge to a certain extent ia their future progress, and common sense would lead one to suppose that the younger community \ would outstep the older in providing new , conditions calculated to promote the [ k»j>j3!B§B2 and freedom of the mass of the population i Suppoad a shipload of people were wrecked on an island sparingly inhabited by an alien .and uncivilised race. Their I first care would be the means of existence ; ' their second, but almost simultaneous effort, the arrangement x>f friendly relations with the natives; the third, the maturing of an organization and control calculated,, within the limits of justice and I equity, to eecufe $h? .happiness. of the I greatest number. It is through these three stsge3 . that the colonists of New Zealand have passed. The early years of ' the Colony were ocoupied with the vigorous prosecution of material colonisation and in the adjustment of difficulties with the native race. But Booial considerations were by no means lost sight of. Prom the earliest days the Provincial Governments showed the greatest interest in furnishing [ ttie means of educating the young, in pro- [ viding within their resources hospitals and other sanitary benefits, in organising institutions for developing thrift, in devising conditions under .which families were encouraged togo upon the land and cultivate it, and last,, but; by no means least, ia. popularising the electoral franchise. The abstruser social questions, especially those relating to employers and employed, were, to a large extent, left to take care of themselves, as indeed they were well capable of doing, whilst it was open to most .of the employed one day to become employers the next. When New Zealand had become fairly well peopled, when cultivation had attained extensive dimensions, when the Colony was widely provided with railways and telegraphlines, and its coasts adequately lighted, when the difficulties with the Natives were adjusted, when, in short, New Zealand was well fitted, to become the home of a very large population, special attention began to be given to those sobial questions which in .all civilised countries have proved so difficult of treatment. It was abont the year 1887 that this time arrived, and to Sir George Grey, formerly the Governor of the Colony, and, at the time referred to, its Premier, and to two members of his j Government, Sir Robert Stout and Mr Ballance, who have each since occupied the position o£ Premier, the primary merit belongs of forcing on the people of the | Colony the questions which had either not previously been considered, or had been considered subordinately to other matters. There have been and are an extraordinary number of public men in New Zealand who have proved themselves to possess rare statesmanlike qualities and great ability. It would be easy to name many of them, but they do nob essentially come within the purview of this paper, because they cannot be Baid to' be the originators and first active apostles of that train of thought that baa resulted in making the i people of the Colony intensely interested in the social questions that animate all civilised communities. But Sir George Grey, Sir Robert Stout and Mr Ballance have made an impression on the minds of the colonists so deep, and to a certain ex- 1 tent so original, that it must continue to ■ exert an influence on the far future of the country, no matter what may be the ultimate solution of the problems to which they have directed attention. And the impression cannot be an evil one, because, whether or not the views of these statesmen meet with fruition, they have taught the people to ponder, reflect, and to give the keenest attention to subjects which, in the interest of every community, it is in the highest degree desirable should be thought out. * ' * • * * # * The hißtory of the land policy of New Zealand is one parallel in many respects to that of the Btruggle between employers and employed which has been proceeding over a long course of English history. In either case the numerically stronger, but pecuniarily weaker, class has gained the victory. In the early days of the Colony it seemed to the colonists that they had an unlimited amount of land to dispoßa of, and whilst they were glad to get as much as they could beneficially occupy, they j were scarcely lesß pleased to turn a great ! deal of it into money. As the means of cultivation were very limited, the plan was adopted, following the example set in Australia, of letting large tracts for sheep runs. The licensees of these runs were known ia New Zealand as runholders, in Australia as squatters. In course of time both became very unpopular, as indeed a thoughtful person might have anticipated. That they did a great deal of good service iB undeniable. They were essentially the pioneers of settlement, and carried the Colonies far along the road of colonisation. But they were human beings, and therefore were furnished with a fair share of selfishness. The condition of their tenure of tho land was substantially that they were to hold it until the time arrived when it was required for settlement. It is needless to say that their idea of the arrival of that time widely differed from that of the Government and the great bulk of the people. Looking back through the years, it is ludicrous to remember what a poor estimate the runholders had, or professed to have, of land which time has proved to be most valuable for settlement. It was, however, obvious that, notwithstanding the low value they attached to the land, they were eager to obtain it in fee simple. In several parts of the Colony there was a prolonged struggle between the runholders and who people who wished to obtain land for settlement. Later on, speculators, of whom there had all along been some, became more numerous, and their endeavour wa9 to acquire land in order to dispose of it at a profit m the future. Thus tho runholders' licensed holdings diminished, they acquired a great deal of | freehold, the speculators also obtained a I great deal, and the actual settlers also became numerous possessors, but by no means ho numerous aa it waa desirable they should be. It was in 1877 that the Colony was

startled by the cry, of the "unearned increment "—that cry which probably ia yet destined to startle and perhaps revolutionise the conditions of society in the mother country. The " unearned increment "is a many-aided monster. The side it disclosed in New Zealand ha 3 nothing to do with ground rents. But Sir George Grey, Sir Robert Stout and Mr Ballance pressed home the enquiry. Were the holders of unimproved aud, in a large number of cases, unused lands entitled to the increased value arising from the Government making railways and from the colonists making settlements by their hard labour ? Fifteen years have since elapsed, and the struggle has been going on with little cessation. The result is one with which every one must sympathise. With no unfairness to the persons ■ interested, settlement has conquered. The owners of land are subject to a graduated but moderate tax according to the extent of their holdings lees the value of the improvements. Yet more important, the principle is established that the interest of the Government in the land is not the cash •to be obtained from its Bale, but the results arising from its settlement. This is not the place to go narrowly into details of the land system of the Colony, but the broad features as established by recent legislation, embodying a compromise apparently acceptable to all parties, may be described. The deferred payment system, which has been in uae for many years, and at the time of its cotrmenoement was regarded as a great .concession, has been abolished in favour of a liberal substitute, by which land can he (taken on lease tor twenty-five year a at a rent, equivalent to 5 per cent on its value, wftii a right of purchase after ten years, but not before, Bubject to a certain term of residence. There is also a conditional cash system, under which the title is Apt given for seven years, and then only ii a considerable amount of improvements has been effected, and subject fco,a >limit of .£150,000, of such sales in an.gr one year. . Some years since, a perpetual lease syatem was established, under which,, to secure the unearned increment, there, was to be a revaluation of rental &t the end of specified periods. This system has been abolished, and in lieu of it "leases in perpetuity/ as they are called, though nominally, for 999 years, are to be granted, subject to a tea years' residence, at a rental of 4 per cent upon the value at the time. the land ia taken up. Under the new method of leases in perpetuity, there is to be no revaluation and no power. of purchase. Provisions are also made for special settlements, village settlements, and association settlements. No one man is to be allowed to take up more land for sheep rune than is pessessed of a oarfying capacity ot 10,000 sheep and 2000 cattle. There are provisions, also, under which, out of money voted by Parliament, small advances can be made to persons to enable them to build homesteads. The governing motive of all these provisions is to extend and encourage the occupation and Battlement of the lands still belonging to the Crown. It need scarcely be said that a great deal of the beßt land in the Colony has already been alienated to .purchasers; the desire is to do the beet with the remainder, not from a .revenue but a settlement point of view. With the desire of putting to a more extended use some of the large blocks of land already, purchased, a measure has been passed enabling the Government, to the extent of £50,000 yearly, to purchase, not compulsorily but by agreement, blocks of land already alienated, to cub- them up into moderate-Bized blocks, and let them to settlors under the lease-in-perpetuity system. As tiio land is to be acquired by voluntary sale oo hardship ia comprised in this new system. On the other hand, its object is to enable many families to flourish on land practically unoccupied. To a large extent this is an experiment, and ita success depends upon a judicious selection of the land. It will be watched with great ' interest, not only in the Colony, but by people beyond it. In connection with agriculture, the Government of the Colony affords assistance to farmers aad others which, no doubt, will seem shocking to many persons in the mother country, who denounce anything in the shape of what they term grandmotherly assistance. Ia New Zealand special officers give instruction and ftdvice to farmers with regard to dairy produce and fruit and forest culture. A portion of the duty of other officers, such as stock inspeotors, rabbit inspectors and veterinary inspectors, is to advise farmers how to treat stock and keep animals free from disease, and, in the case of rabbits, how to destroy them. These advisory officers have been of great assistance to farmers : for example, it ia largely due to them that j the export of butter and cheese is besoming ! a leading industry. With an" excellent Boil, farming in Great Britain and Ireland isnofron the whole remunerative. Some people ascribe the cause to unequal and inadequate methods. There is no saying j what benefit the large majority of farmers might gain from judicious advice and instruction ; but the notion will be shocking to theorists who unconsciously but hone the leaa substantially encourage the growth of monopolies, whilst to the people of New Zealand anything that encourages monopolies is abhorrent. They instinctively realise that the fertile source of monopolies is the advantage taken by the astute few of the ignorant many. They understand also that there is a class of undertakings, such as. railways, tramways, telephones, gas and water supply, &c, which in '.the hands of private individuals must become monopolies, and which therefore had better be in the charge of the Government or local governments.Tnere has been a constant disposition of late years to popularise the electoral laws both by extending the franchise and simplifying the conditions of registration. A Bill consolidating the electoral lawß and containing important reforms was introduced during the last session And passed the popular chamber, the House of Representatives. It failed, however, to become law, because the two Houses could not agree to an amendment, to which further reference will be made, demanded by the upper House, the Legislative Council. This measure proposed two qualifications : the first, a property qualification, was the possession for six months of land of the value of £25 ; the second, the don-property qualification, required residence in the Colony for twelve months and residence in the district for three months prior to the date of registration, but no person was entitled to be registered on more than one roll or more than once on any. roll, whatever the nature of hiß or her qualifications. The foregoing provision included both sexes, so that the Bill proposed to give th 6 franchise to females, or, aa the Lower House preferred by amendment to call them, women. Women are, however, expressly disqualified from being elected to or holding a seat in either branch of the Legislature. Thus it will bo seen that, besides the female franchise, the Bill proposed to establish not only the one-man-one-vote, but the one-mac-one-roll principle. The Bill also provided means for sailors, shearers, commercial travellers and harvesters recording their votes, though absent from their districts at polling time. The Bill fell through because of an excess of gallantry of the Legislative Council. This body, not supposed to be over well disposed to giving women the franchise, not only accepted the proposal, but insisted also on a clause providing moans by which women could vote in country districts without going to the polling booths. The members in favour of this addition argued that it was similar to the facilities afforded to sailors, shearers, harvesters and commercial travellers. It is easy, however, to see that to accord facilities to comparatively few men obliged by business to be absent from the poll is different from allowing nearly halt, if nob half, of thg electors to evade the ordinary system of voting. The aged and invalid males would claim the same right, and the very existence of the ballot system in its integrity would be imperilled. The sturdy supporters of the female franchise in the Lower House might not unnaturally have felt auspicious of this &GC6BB of chivalry oa the part of many, who had hitherto stood strongly by Tennjaon's dictum, "Woman is the leaser man." The two Houses were unable to agree, and the Bill for the time fell through. It ia certain to pass nest year. One member clenched the matter by

observing that women would get the franchise as certainly as tho sun would shine ) to-morrow. He meant this to be conclnsive, though it hardly Bounds bo to Londoners in December. There can be no i doubt that the Bill will pass. Wo incline ' to think, however, that women will have to brave tho olemenfs and take their umbrellas and goloahes to the poll if they wish to vote in rainy weather; but even so it will be a glorious triumph for women, it haw been long coming in New Zealand. In 1887 the present writer managed to carry as far as the second reading in the Lower House a Bill to give women both the frauehise and the right to become members. At that time ! more could not be done. The example of j New Zealand will probably be followed elsewhere. The electoral emancipation of women in the United Kingdom may yet stand forth as the crowning glory of the century now rapidly passing away. No one can predict the exact nature of the vast effects the change will bring about, but at least it is certain those effects cannot be evil. To try and measure the consequences by the influence of the innovation on the strength of ephemeral parties reminds one of the arb critic who ended hiß study of a great picture by expressing his admiration of the frame. We have reserved for the last a reference to the Bubject which has most enchained, during recent years, the attention and sympathy of the public men of New Zealand. We allude to questions affecting the rights, welfare and happiness of the labouring classes. This special attention more or less dates from the new departure of 1877 before referred to. Provisions of a moat humane character have been made for regulating the working of factories, for giving workmen a lien on their wages over the products of their industry, and for affording them compensation for accidents for which their employers should be liable. An important point of administration has been introduced by the Government in the shape of letting to labourers on public works small co-operative contracts. All these subjects are still further considered as fresh experience affords additional knowledge. Yet it cannot be eaid they have been treated in a selfish manner .- a due regard has been exhibited for conflicting rights. The working men representatives have not shown the selfishness which usually attends efforts at class legislation. The chief work of the late Ees^ion, was an attempt to pasßa Bill for what is. believed to be the most complete system extant for dealing with labour disputes by means of conciliaI tion. and arbitration. Tho Bill fell through because of a difference between the two Houses on a point that shall presently be referred to.* * # , * * The Bill fell through because of the Legislative Council insisting on removing the compulsory conditions of arbitration and the refusal of the House of Representatives to accept the amendment. On this point there ' seems to be a wide difference of opinion. The London Chamber of Commerce has lately organised an excellent system of conciliation and arbitration, but decided- after muoh deliberation not to make the latter compulsory. The remarkable point iB that the employees mtthe Colony appear to desire the compulsory clauses, while in the United Kingdom it is they, we believe, who object to compulsion. The labouring classes in the Colony and in the United Kingdom are strongly joined in sympathy, and yet they do not travel on exactly parallel paths. The broad point of difference is, that in the Colony there ib a great desire on the part of the employees to see labour questions definitely settled, whilst it is to be doubted if in the United Kingdom the. .labouring classes consider the time to have come for a definite settlement.. They have met during this generation with a continued series of successes. There is a wide difference between their position now and what it was early in the century, when it was even punishable for workmen to meat for the consideration of their grievances. But they are not yet satisfied ; they consider they do not receive a fair share of the profits of the joint results of the employment of labour and capital. They consider, also, that employers, by the adoption of long . hours, shut out a portion of the labouring community from work, and so create for the masters' advantage an artificial' competition between the employed and unemployed. The eight hours question ha 3 become leas one relating to the capacity of the individual labourer than to the desire of the labourers to see work more widely divided. They seek, therefore, a larger share of profits, and power for the Unions of different trades to fix the hours of labour, with the object of establishing wider diffusion of employment. This is not the place to justify the demands, but this much ,may be said, that if, as is probable, they are met, it does not follow there will be an approach to Socialism. On the contrary, when labour is satisfied with the share of profit it is to receive, and with the power of fixing hours to ensure a wide diffusion of labour, there is likely to spring up a struggle to determine the proportionate xjgmunefation to which skilled and unskilled labour ehall be respectively entitled. The curtain will not ring up on this second act until it falls on the conclusion of the. first. In the Colony they seem inclined to leave the conclusion of the first act to the charge of the Unions, to which the Government is willing to. give marked official recognition. In the United Kingdom the act has to be concluded by struggles not yet at an end. The plain fact is, that the working classes have more control over the Government of the Colony than the same classes have over the Government of the United Kingdom. * . . • . * * *