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NEW LEADER OF THE COMMONS

Sir Stafford Cripps An Interview Recalled Written for “The Timaru Herald." (By 1.M.D.) The nearest Sir Stafford Cripps had been to Leadership of the House of Commons, the position to which he has now been appointed, was on a July day in 1934, when he was acting Leader of the Opposition in the absence of Mr Lansbuly and his deputy, Mr Attlee. That was a fortunate accident; it enabled my interview with him to take place in the Leader of the Oppositions room at Westminster. I liked that room; it was large, high and beautifully panelled. I liked it too because it was in a pleasant, homely condition of disorder. Newspaper files, books, pamphlets and Government reports were scattered about in genial disarray. Sir Stafford Cripps on that afternoon, and on each other occasion I have seen him, looked much more like the prosperous barrister, which he has been for many years, than a Socialist politician. He had the traditional suiting of an English King’s Counsel: black morning coat, striped trousers, high white collar and black bow tie. As soon as he sat down 'he revealed that after all he did have something in common with Mr Baldwin, his arch-enemy in politics. He liked smoking a pipe too. When he settled I was able to study Sir Stafford Cripps at leisure. Here was one of the “wild men” of British politics, but he did not look "wild” at all. He is tall, has a nobly proportioned head, black hair and kindly broWn eyes. His voice was soft but incisive and he was utterly earnest. He may have had a sense of humour, but he did not parade it on a formal occasion like this. He was, perhaps, a little dreamful, rather like an ardent young man who had contrived miraculously to preserve all his illusions. Various thoughts floated into my mind as he talked. Here, I believed, was a man who would endeavour to persuade people that he was right; he would prefer not to coerce unbelievers into accepting his beliefs. He was the advocate of his cause, not a strong-armed domineering champion. In politics he was stating the case for Socialism and appealing for the verdict which he felt to be right. In the House, and outside, he produced the evidence against capitalism and he asked the people to give a reasonable judgment on the facts as presented. To keep the interview within limits I had prepared a questionnaire for him. I asked first for a summary of the domestic policy of the Socialists in Great Britain. “That’s a pretty tall order,” he said, “but I think I know what I shall do. It will save your time and mine.” He went to a drawer and extracted a pamphlet, “Forward To Socialism,” which embodied the policy of the Socialist League as decided by its national conference. “There’s our domestic policy,” he said, “and to give It one more touch of authority I shall sign it for you.” When I explained that I would probably make use' of what he was going to say to me, Sir Stafford Cripps replied that this did not trouble him. He had never been afraid of saying what he thought, and, further, he had always been treated fairly by newspapermen. “Even the American reporters have done that,” he added. Election Prospects

He then considered the confused prospects of the General Election which was held in the following year. The circumstances of the campaign were different from what could have been imagined in 1934. The Government went to the country in 1935 on the collective security issue following Mussolini’s first dab at aggression in Abyssinia. However, in 1934 I asked him: “Will the next General Election be fought between the National Government and the Socialists?” “Yes,” he replied. “It must be a battle between Capitalism and Socialism. The Liberal interference will not be serious, and in any case Liberalism represents only a split in the Capitalist forces. It is true that the Liberals might hold the balance between two equal parties. In that case I would be in favour of the Conservative-Liberal combination carrying on the Administration.” “The Socialists,” he continued, “must have a clear majority. Fundamental changes, such as we propose, could not possibly be effected through compromise.” “If the Socialists were returned with a working majority, would an attempt be made to put the programme into immediate operation?” I asked. “That,” he said, “would depend upon the composition of The Cabinet, as it must with the policy of any Government. There can be no half-way stage with a Socialist policy; unanimity would be necessary before anything could be done.” Then I asked Sir Stafford what would be the attitude of a Socialist Government towards the Dominions. “At present I can only speculate on the Dominions policy,” he said. “It would be designed, however, to work towards a union of Socialist Commonwealths, not relying for unity upon Imperial sentiment as such, but upon fundamental co-operative economic interests.” “What would happen,” I asked, "to Dominions which might not approve of Socialism?” “We would hope,” he replied, “that the force of Great Britain’s example would induce them all to adopt Socialism. If an objecting Dominion did not want to trade with us, we would not trade with it. There are plenty of countries with which we could trade. There is Russia, and there are the Scandinavian countries.” International Politics

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THD19420221.2.20

Bibliographic details

Timaru Herald, Volume CLI, Issue 22203, 21 February 1942, Page 4

Word Count
908

NEW LEADER OF THE COMMONS Timaru Herald, Volume CLI, Issue 22203, 21 February 1942, Page 4

NEW LEADER OF THE COMMONS Timaru Herald, Volume CLI, Issue 22203, 21 February 1942, Page 4

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