The Sun FRIDAY, MARCH 15, 1918. THE SITUATION IN IRELAND.

Sun (Christchurch), Volume V, Issue 1276, 15 March 1918, Page 4

The Sun FRIDAY, MARCH 15, 1918. THE SITUATION IN IRELAND.

Lord Salisbury is living up to his family tradition in demanding a rigid enforcement of the law in Ireland, but it cannot be suggested that he has over-stated the seriousness of the position. Even so moderateminded a man as Lord Selborne admits that the policy of the Government has been disastrous, and events are steadily shaping towards another rebellion. The Sinn Feiners and their sympathisers who are rapidly growing in numbers, have set their minds upon an Irish Republic, regardless of the fact that the pursuit of this ideal must inevitably lead to disorder, bloodshed, and the economic ruin of Ireland. No British Government can ever allow the creation of an independent State in Ireland which at a time when liberty and the fate of civilisation hung in the balance became a nest of disloyalty and German intrigue. The first duty of an independent State is to establish diplomatic relations with foreign powers, and to provide itself with such military and naval forces as are necessary to preserve its national existence. By the accident of geography an Irish Republic must necessarily look to a navy as its first line of defence, and anyone with half an eye, can see that a naval power occupying such a dominant position in the Atlantic, would be regarded an exceedingly desirable ally by Britain’s Continental enemies. Standing by itself an Irish Republic would be a third-rate power without much say in the world’s affairs, but as an ally of Germany it would have to be reckoned with. Further, the Germans would be the right people to turn such a situation to the greatest advantage. Their corrupt and intriguing methods would have great scope in Ireland, and the old story of the young lady and the tiger would certainly be re-enacted. Mainly for these reasons, any attempt to secure the independence of Ireland must always be resisted by Britain with armed force, and the Sinn Feiners’ dream could never be realised unless Britain were defeated in a Continental war. The more intelligent of the Sinn Feiners no doubt appreciate this, and know perfectly well that an Irish Republic can only rise from the ashes of the British Empire. But these men are content to allow thousands of hot-headed and highly emotional adherents of Sinn Feinism to espouse the hopeless cause of an Irish Republic, and go to their death when the inevitable clash occurs with the armed forces of his Majesty’s Government. Is it any wonder that even the best friends of Ireland sometimes despair of her future, and sec little prospect of order, contentment, and prosperity emerging from the present welter of disaffection, race hatred, and political intrigue? Before long the Irish Convention will, no doubt, produce a plan for the establishment of some form of Irish Government that is compatible with the maintenance of British Sovcrignty over Ireland. It will be promptly repudiated as inadequate by the Sinn Feiners, who will listen to nothing short of an independence, which avc have shown they can never obtain, and it will be dissected, bit by bit by the whole tribe of Irish politicians and journalistic sympathisers with impracticable Irish ideals. If the British Government would take its courage in its hands and enforce the adoption of the Convention’s proposals regardless of friend or foe, some finality might be reached on the Irish question, but a purposeful and determined policy regarding Ireland seems to be just about the last thing to hope for in a Coalition Government.