ITALIAN ARMY IN LIBYA

Southland Times, Issue 23512, 19 May 1938, Page 9

ITALIAN ARMY IN LIBYA

Britain’s Link With Egypt MOVES FOR CONTROL OF MEDITERRANEAN The Egyptian problem has been revived by the presence of a large Italian army in Libya, by the Anglo-Italian negotiations, and by the Egyptian elections, wrote the diplomatic correspondent of The Manchester Guardian recently. Anglo-Egyptian relations have been satisfactory on the whole. It is of more than usual importance that they should remain so; if they were ,to be troubled the whole Near Eastern equilibrium might be destroyed. Great Britain is not concerned with Egyptian internal affairs except in so far as they may affect the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty and the general Near Eastern situation. This country is deeply interested in tire maintenance of stability in Egypt—and therefore in free elections. It is possible that the Wafd (the Nationalist Party that had an overwhelming majority in the last Parlia- , ment) may be returned to power, and there is some danger that the election may be rigged in the hope of keeping the Wafd out of power. It is a matter of great importance that no undue pressure should be brought to bear on the voters, that Egypt should retain con- . stitutional government, and that there should be no departure from constitu- : tional practice in the elections. AVOIDING INTERVENTION If unconstitutional pressure is exer- i cised by the Palace, the Wafd would— i quite naturally—attempt to exercise i counter-pressure, and public feeling would certainly rise high, and disorders ■ that might endanger British lives and • property—or indeed the lives and pro- . perty of any non-Egyptian residents-- ■ would contravene article 12 of the . Anglo-Egyptian Treaty and would call i for British intervention under that i treaty, and intervention in the present state of Near Eastern affairs might have < far-reaching consequences. 1 Egypt is an ally of Great Britain, and i a very valuable ally indeed. It is a i matter of the utmost importance that : she should not be weak in defence, and 1 an open internal crisis might easily : make her so. The Egyptian problem has acquired 1 a special interest ever since Italy has < been pursuing her scheme of empire i

in the Mediterranean and Red Sea areas. Indeed, Egyptian politics have been followed with close attention by Italy since the beginning of the fascist regime. ITALY AND KING FUAD The death of King Fuad was regarded as a blow to Italian interests; Mussolini said of him that “he had assimilated our culture” (Italian fascist culture, that is). High Italian hopes had been based on King Fuad’s alleged anti-British attitude. He was regarded as more than a mere pawn (as a knight, perhaps, or a bishop) in tire game of chess which Mussolini has been playing, and means to go on playing, for the hegemony of the Mediterranean and Red Sea areas. Italian aspirations have been counteracted by Egyptian public opinion, which has been very friendly to Great Britain. It was deeply stirred against Italy by the appalling repressive measures used against the Moslem population of Libya by the Marquis Negelli. The Abyssinian war was also extremely unpopular in Egypt, and although Egypt was not then a member of the League she had no hesitation in taking part in sanctions against Italy The Italian Press has standing orders to be friendly towards the Egyptians. Specific instructions to this effect were given last year just before the Montreux Conference. Italy’s propagandist aim is to arouse among the Egyptians a desire to break the British connection. Italy desires to have Egypt as a weak and docile partner in her future Eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea Empire. ITALY AND THE WAFD One of the obstacles in the way of Italian schemes is Nahas Pasha and the Wafd. The breach between King Farouk and Nahas was regarded as a very favourable symptom in Rome. Italian propaganda has been suggesting that King Farouk has a wonderful destiny in store for himself as ruler and consolidator of a truly independent and greater Egypt. The Italians are convinced—rightly or wrongly—that the Palace is becoming more and more antiBritish. There is much satisfaction in Rome over the steady improvement (as it is considered) in Italo-Egyptian relations, and Mussolini is fond of referring to “the two people who are united by the same sea.” The Italians have also tried to encourage Egyptian rearmament in the hope that a pro-Italian Egypt of the future may resist Great Britain the more effectively. The Egyptians are also encouraged to exclude all British military influences from their own army and their defences. It is hoped in Rome that there may be a treaty of friendship, or even an alliance, with Cairo before long. Italy is convinced that if there is war be-

tween herself and Great Britain or France Egypt will remain neutral. She is convinced that Yugoslavia will remain neutral also. MANOEUVRES IN LIBYA | It was with a view to placating Egyptian public' opinion that Italy changed her plans for the Libyan manoeuvres. They will be held near the Tunisian and not the Egyptian frontier. Four army corps will take part. Two of these army corps belong to the Italian Libyan Army and two are being despatched from the mother country. Italian regular troops now stationed in Libya number about 80,000, and are reinforced by 10,000 fascist militiamen. The manoeuvres will be carried out by about 100,000 men and by a powerful naval force. The Italian General Staff believe that in case of war it will be possible to effect a junction between the Italian armies in Libya and Abyssinia. They also seem to believe the Italian forces in Tripoli will be strong enough io conduct operations against the Frencn defences of Tunis. Can Italy count on the military support of Germany? It is not certain, but a Germana-Italian military alliance may well exist. There have been frequent exchanges between Italian and German military authorities. General von Fritsch visited Rome on October 4 and then went to Alexandria, leaving two of his officers in Rome, where they negotiated with the Italian General Staff. One of them left Rome by air and caught up General von Fritsch in Egypt and, after a brief consultation, returned to Rome. Soon after he again flew to Egypt for a further consultation with his chief. General Heinrich von Both, an officer of the German General Staff, also had a consultation with General von Fritsch in Egypt. It would seem that the purpose of the discussions was to explore the possibility of Italian military operations along the Nile Valley. It is doubtful whether Mussolini’s plans are fixed. His widest aim is to establish an Italian hegemony in the Mediterranean and Red Sea area. Libya is his central position in his anti-British plans. , Every disturbance in the Near Eastern equilibruim is likely to favour his plans. He would certainly welcome the despatch of the British Mediterranean Fleet to the Far East as strengthening his own naval position ih the Mediterranean. Even if his larger plans cannot be achieved (and they certainly cannot be achieved without a war) he continues to exercise a pressure with which he hopes to secure recognition of his Abyssinian empire and to raise his bargaining power in any negotiations with Great Britain and France.