The Southland Times. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING “LUCEO NON URO” WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1937. Industrial Troubles In France

Southland Times, Issue 23394, 29 December 1937, Page 6

The Southland Times. PUBLISHED EVERY MORNING “LUCEO NON URO” WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1937. Industrial Troubles In France

The Christmas strikes in France have come awkwardly at a time when the Government shows signs of recovering from the political uncertainty which followed the transfer of the Premiership from M. Blum to M. Chautemps. A cable message printed yesterday quoted a statement by the Paris correspdndent of The Times that “the inclination to exploit Christmas by threats of strikes . . . may make the co-operation of Radical-Socialist members with the Government difficult.” After the leadership had passed from a Socialist —M. Blum —to a Radical —M, Chautemps—some of tne Socialists showed an inclination to advocate a fusion of the Communist and Socialist parties. This would have meant that the balance of parties brought about by the parliamentary alliance of the Communists and Socialists—a very different matter from fusion —would have been destroyed, and the final break-up of the Popular Front would have followed as a matter of course. But a political change of this kind could not have received a sufficient support from the people. This was proved by the results of the cantonal elections at the end of October, when it was found that the French Communists made no further gains, and that, instead of moving towards the Left, the country was in the mood for moderation. The same tendency was shown at work during the conference of the Radical-Socialist Party at Lille, in spite of the fact that the Radicals had previously shown signs of moving to the Right. Since then the conspiracy of the Cagoulards has turned up as’ a further argument against extremism; and although the French are too realistic to be greatly impressed with an affair that has many mysterious aspects, they are fully aware that the present situation, at home and abroad, calls increasingly for national unity. It may be asked, then, why there should be a new wave of strikes. The explanation lies mainly in the sweeping nature of the Popular Front’s industrial legislation. As in other countries where radical governments gained power at the end of the depression, too much was attempted in too short a time. The 40-hour week, for instance, would have interfered less with industry if it had been introduced more carefully, and in a stricter relation to production costs in special cases. This has now been generally recognized by labour leaders as well as politicians. “The Socialists are no keener than the RadicalSocialists are to see the 40-hour week reduce the economic life of France to chaos or to paralysis,” said a writer in The Economist recently, “and in the Popular Front Government, as at present constituted, there is likely to be agreement on a policy of introducing elasticity into the 40-hour week in detail —without impugning the principle—to whatever extent this may be necessary ...” A month before those words were written the French Cabinet had authorized the Prime Minister and the Minister of Labour to act on the findings of the Commission of Inquiry on Production, “either by rationalization of undertakings or by changes in labour conditions within the meaning of the Law of June 21, 1936, with regard to the 40-hour week.” How far this can be connected with yesterday’s . cable reference to the introduction of the Bedaux system at the Goodrich tyre factory—against which 2000 workers have been striking —it will be impossible to say until more details are available. But the “rationalization of undertakings” implies a co-operation between capital and labour, and the Bedaux system was designed by its inventor —who recently received publicity from his friendship with the Duke of Windsor — as a special means of reducing labour’s share of production to a scientific formula. It aims, briefly, at the discovery of a standard unit of production in any particular type of work, so that wages can be based on the productive capacity of every job, to which workers are expected to adhere. Those workers who produce more than is required are paid a bonus, calculated at a lower rate than a piecework equivalent of the standard wage. British and American workmen have resented the system for various reasons, but most of all because they believe that it leads to a speedingup process, that it helps to create unemployment, and that it tends to reduce human effort more and more to the automatism of machines.

A great deal could be said in support of this view. The point about the Bedaux system in relation to the' position in France, however, is that it seems to have been introduced as an attempt to offset the losses in production which came from the sudden and wholesale introduction of the 40-hour week. These losses are by no means imaginary. At a

time when other countries are well on their way up the spiral of recovery the official index of industrial production shows that the volume of activity in the summer of 1937 was no higher than it was five years ago. Building activity was less than half of what it was in 1929, and the textile trades reached a new low level. It is clear that something will have to be done if French industry is to remain on fair competitive terms with other European countries. The introduction of the Bedaux system at a factory employing 2000 workmen can be seen as one attempt to establish a proper relationship between costs and prices; and although it is a method which brings new dangers of labour unrest it seems to have been introduced as an alternative to a longer working week. In this way the new industrial legislation leads back to the basic problems of. world competition. France cannot afford to lag behind in the processes of recovery. If she is to share in the new buoyancy of the markets there must be a planned attempt to overcome the consequences of recent legislation. It is generally admitted that social reform had been long overdue in France, and it should not be surprising if, now that it has come, there is a certain amount of industrial dislocation. This can be remedied by a new policy of moderation which need not imply reactionism. But moderation can succeed only if the workers respond to an appeal, made by the Government for a “voluntary effort of public spirit and discipline.” The Christmas strikes suggest that the. short-term view has prevailed with at least one section of the people, and this will not make easier the task of a Government which has much to fear from extremism —either on the Left or the Right.