Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

RENUNCIATION OF WAR

MR KELLOGG’S PROPOSALS. THE ITALIAN REPLY. r WASHINGTON, May 9. The Italian reply to Mr Kellogg’s out.awry of war proposal was received today from Signor Mussolini. It is cordial in tone, but makes no reference to either the American or the French drafts which are before the Powers as a basis of negotiation. It is far from a complete acceptance .'of the Kellogg plan, but offers the “ cordial collaboration ” of Italy towards reaching an agreement, and it is interpicted by the State Department as an acceptance of the basic idea. BRIAIN’S VIEWS OUTLINED. T ' . RUGBY, May 10. In dealing with Mr Kellogg’s peace proposals. Sir Austen Chamberlain, in the House of Commons, said that, while there had been some nations in the past which had deliberately worked for war at a moment convenient to themselves in order to solve some problem in their favour, war nad never been an instrument of policy in this country within any time tnat they could contemplate when discussing Europe of to-day. Both because it was in consonance with the general policy of all British Governments, and because it was a move forward in the direction to which the present British Government had devoted all its energies cy er since it esme into power in international relations, the Uritish Government welcomed the American proposal, and hoped teat it would be brought to a successiul conclusion. It had been asked why there had been a delay. The Government had to consult—and he was sure that the Government of the United States would recognise this, and would take no umbrage at it—the Governments of the British dominions in other parts of the world. They had to be consulted in a matter of this kind, and the policy of the whole Empire must be one. “ We want all to sign the engagement, and not leave one portion of his Majesty's dominions out,” said Sir Austen Chamberlain. “ That is not all. We, like other nations and like Germany, which has already replied, have undertaken certain engagements already in conference at Genova.”

It was so easy to make large and generous declarations, to propose highsounding rr-olutions, and then to vote for them, but if they supported one it was found sometimes that they had voted only with reservations, which made their' intentions quite other than the verbal form which had been publicly accpted. Peace could not lie p--eserved by signing a declaration, which, because it was signed with different interpretations and meanings, would lead to misunderstandings ; and, realising the new obligations which they were asked tc undertake in the service of peace, was it not obvious that they should take a little time for consideration? The Government's object and the object of the United States was to negotaite for a document which all signed in the same spirit, which all signed meaning the same thing, with the same goodwill, the same heartiness, and the same intention to maintain it. He did not think the time had been wasted.

The Government had been greatly helped in its consideration of this problem by the remarkable and very interesting speech recently delivered by Mr Kellogg himself before an American audience. That speech showed quite clearly that it was not the desire of the United States Government to impair the engagements of those who had already laid the foundations of peace and reconciliation in Europe, either by the League Covenant, with its larger obligations, or by the Treaty of Locarno, and that it was quite possible to reconcile their obligations under these instruments with the now declaration which Mr Kellogg invited them to make. “ The present position of the matter,” continued Sir Austen Chamberlain, “ is thas his-Majesty's Government has concluded its examination of the proposals. Its comments and suggestions for the reply to be made to the Government of the United States are, I suppose, on their way to the dominions at the moment when I am speaking.” Having regard to the number of Powers already addressed by the United States, to the difficulty of bringing by correspondence six Powers readily and easily into agreement, and to the tendency which often arose in correspondence of magnifying differences, instead of diminishing them, he had thought that some other procedure would perhaps have led more quickly and more surely to the end thejdesired. His mind reverted naturally to the procedure which was employed so successfully before at the Conference of Locarno, and he had tentatively suggested that, as in the case of Locarno, the way might be smoothed for them, and the differences, if there were any, reduced to a minimum if a meeting of jurists took place, in which they could exchange opinions and arguments; but as soon as he learned that the proposal did not commend itself to one of the Governments concerned he withdrew It, and they now proceeded, therefore, by the ordinary diplomatic channels. “ As soon, therefore,” concluded Sir Austen Chamberlain, “ as the replies of the dominions have been received by us, we shall hope to deliver an answer to the Government of the United States, and, I heed scarcely say, after my opening words

on this point, that our answer will be to the effect that our desire is to co-operate in the conclusion of such a pact as is proposed, and to engage with the interested Governments in t h e negotiations required for that purpose.” ■ HOUSE OF COMMONS DISCUSSION. LONDON, May 10. The House of Commons discussed the Kellogg Note. Mr Ramsay MacDonald said that everyone must be unhappy and disquietened by the issue of the recent crisis in Egypt. The problem was merely suspended ; it was not solved by the ultimatum and the movement of warships, which necessarily lowered us in the eyes of Egypt. “ Let us make it perfectly clear that we have no intention of interfering in the national operation of self-govern-ment in Egypt.” Any Government that was under the impression that it could go back to Cromerism would have a severe and tragic disillusionment. Our answer to Mr Kellogg’s Note was going to influence considerably AngloAmerican relations, which were not as good as they ought to be. A complete unreserved acceptance would be the best method, and he hoped that Britain would not raise League of Nations problems. It would be one of the greatest tragedies in history if the League commitments in Europe prevented Britain from participating in Mr Kellogg's wider and moro comprehensive proposals. Comamnder Kenworthy asked: Should we be free, provided the dominions are with us, to negotiate directly, or should we be bound to consult France or anyone else? Sir Austen Chamberlain replied: We are not bound to consult any other Government unless we think it desirable. America’s first purpose is to obtain the signatures of the six Governments. If we can contribute anything to secure unity among the six we shall be happy to do so. Asked when he expected to be able to reply to America, Sir Austen said that if the dominions concurred jn the proposed reply further time would not bo needed, and he would immediately hand the reply to the American Ambassador in. London. “THE ENTERPRISE OF PEACE.” LONDON, May 11. The Tines, in a leader, says that there have been instances in which dominion Governments signed treaties concluded by the Government of Britain concerning matters which have not directly affected the dominions, but this time there is neither room nor occasion for isolated action. The dominions’ answer is hardly in doubt and the almost unanimous expression of approval in the Australian and Canadian press have already given great satisfaction at Washington. When once the British reply is reinforced by the cheerful consent of all the dominions the Empire will be committed to real co-operation with tho United States in the cause of peace. That in itself is a forward movement. The details of procedure have not yet been determined, but they arc of minor importance. The outstanding significance is the fact that the Government of Britain, after scrupulous inquiry and. with a fixed determination to abide by her pledged word, has decided to join in the appeal, and the dominions likewise, in the enterprise of peace initiated by the United States. The co-operation of the Empire and the United States in such work can hardly be in vain, i CANADIAN PARTICIPATION. OTTAWA, May 11. Canadian participation in the proposed Kellogg treaty to outlaw war is under discussion between Ottawa and London. A decision has not yet been reached, but the Prime Minister will make a statement in the' House of Commons next week.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW19280515.2.128

Bibliographic details

Otago Witness, Issue 3870, 15 May 1928, Page 29

Word Count
1,431

RENUNCIATION OF WAR Otago Witness, Issue 3870, 15 May 1928, Page 29

RENUNCIATION OF WAR Otago Witness, Issue 3870, 15 May 1928, Page 29

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert