DELIVERING THE TREATY.

Otago Witness, Issue 3400, 14 May 1919, Page 21

DELIVERING THE TREATY.

SPEECH BY COUNT RANTZAU. THE "SUPER-MAN" ATTITUDE. PARIS, May 7. The Germans received the treaty at 3.15 p.m. The ceremony of presentation occupied only 14 minutes.* The Germans have agreed to sign the Peace Treaty, but refuse to agree to the payment of an indemnity. LONDON, May 8. ' At the receipt of the Peace Treaty by the German delegates at Versailles, when Count Brockdorff Rantzau, German Foreign Minister, commenced to speak he was obviously labouring under excitement. His highly-nervous manner was in remarkable contrast to that of M. Clemenceau, who spoke with brevity and decision, exactly indicative of the attitude of the victorious Allies, though he was careful to point out that the Allies intended to treat the German delegates with all that courtesy which civilised communities owed to each other.

As M. Clemenceau addressed the gathering standing, everyone expected thatßantzau would follow his example j but he remained seated throughout' his speech and its interpretation. His speech became more truculent as it continued, particularly the passages denouncing the Allies'. blockade and accusing the Allies of sharing the guilt of the war with Germany. A noteworthy passage was Rantzau's declaration that Germany's former rulers were responsible for Germany's share in the war; but that all Europe shared/ the responsibility. He added: "We are asked to confess that we alone are guilty of starting the war. Such a confession in my mouth would be a lie. For 50 years European imperialism has poisoned the international atmosphere." When the Germans left the conference room they forgot to take the treaty, and sent the secretary back for it.

Count Rantzau added to what has al ready been cabled: "We are ready to face any wrongs we have done, and do not wish to belittle the responsibility of the men who made the war, political, economic, and military. We repeat the pledge made at the beginning of the war with regard to the wrong done to Belgium, but Germany is not the only criminal. If you think of. guilt and punishment, the measure of guilt can only be decided by a neutral commission, and we repeat a demand for such an inquest in this conference, where we stand. We are not quite without protection. You have shown no fine art yourselves. You took six weeks to fix the armistice terms, and six months to present peace terms. Hundreds of thousands have died of cold and hunger since November through the blockade. Think of that, when you think of guilt and punishment. Since November you have inscribed a peace of violence on your banner. In October we were prepared to accept peace on President Wilson's terms. The Allies agreed to this basis. In this matter the conscience of the world is behind us. No nation could violate it without punishment. The task of reparation could not be undertaken without the adversaries' co-operation, and you cannot execute it without us." Reconstruction, said Rantzau, would possibly proceed rapidly if they had an understanding as to the best methods. He thought it wrong to utilise German war prisoners, as it would engender hatred among the people whose husbands and brothers were kept at penal work. Both victor and vanquished must take into account the danger of Germany succumbing under the burden, with its incalculable consequences. He saw hope in the solidarity of the League of Nations only when its portals were thrown open to all nations. Then those who died in the war would not have died in vain. He concluded by urging such a peace as Would not lead to future resistance. Tlie tone of Count Rantzau's speech throughout Avas cynical. At times it was arrogant and even insolent. The manner of it left a wrathful feeling among many listeners. A MEMORABLE SCENE. PARIS, May 8. With bitter memories of half a century

ago, Versailles to-day witnessed the most memorable scene in its history, when France's ancient enemy stood at the bar of the nations of the world to receive the terms imposed on the shattered Germanic Empire. The fine streets leading to the Trianon Hotel was crowded with spectators anxious to see the delegations of the Allies. As they arrived and later, as they left the conference they received an ovation along the route.

There was a simplet setting within the great dining saloon of the hotel, in which was a green baize covered table in the form of a rectangle. At its head sat J£« Clemenceau, with the American delegates on his right and the British on his left, the others grouped at their sides. A cross table at the foot of the room was reserved for the Germans. Signor Orlando and Baron Sonnino were cordially greeted as they entered. There was a moment of thrilling silence when an officer announced,, "Messieurs les plenipotentiaries Allemands." All the delegates stood as Count Rantzau and his fellow-delegates entered, accompanied by three officers. With the exception of Landsberg, a man of strong Prussian type, the enemy delegates were pale, Rantzau looking particularly haggard. The moment he was seated M. Clemenceau rose, and, addressing the Germans, said: "This is neither the time nor the place for superfluous words. You have before you the plenipotentiaries of all the Great Powers united to fight together in a war cruelly forced upon them. You have asked for peace; we are ready to give you peace. We present the terms to you for your consideration, and will do everything that civilised nations can do to aid you in your consideration. We must see that this second Treaty of Versailles, which has cost us so much, must secure lasting guarantees." M. Clemenceau then Outlined the procedure. He stated that the German observations on the terms must be submitted in writing, to which the Allied Supreme Council would reply, and added that such observations had been 'meant to be kept until a period of 15 days had elapsed ; but they could be sent to the council as they arose, and the council would give an immediate answer. M. Clemenceau. then asked if the delegates had anything to say further.

Rantzau, in a clear voice, said: " We are here to join in the sublime task to. give the world a durable peace. The Ger-i mans are under no misconception as to defeat or want of power. We' have no power, and the German arms are broken. We realise the power of hatred now encountered in the vanquishers' demand for the punishment of the guilty, but to confess that we were entirely responsible for the war would be to lie." He admitted the attitude of the German Government in the tragic 12 days of July, 1914. In the last 50 years Imperialism had been a poison, and the policy of retaliation and expansion had contributed to Europe's illness, which showed expression in the world's war. A STUPID INSOLENT SPEECH. " What a stupid speech " remarked President Wilson when Count Rantzau had finished. Mr Lloyd George said the speech represented German stupidity. The French Foreign Office believes that identical terms, except for minor technical alterations, will be signed in three weeks. The impression among the British delegates is that the speech is insolent and calls for strong action. All are surprised at its tone. Mr Wilson also said that the speech proved that the Germans were the most tactless people on the face of the earth; they misunderstand human nature. Rantzau's speech was on a parity with their action throughout the war; they always did the wrong thing. The insolence and rudeness of the Germans is strongly condemned by the Allied delegates generally. Count Rantzau's speech is regarded as a studied insult. The British delegates, including Mr Lloyd George and Mr Bonar Law, admit that they are surprised. Anger flashed through them, but they now agree that M. Clemenceau was wise in refraining from ordering Count Rantzau to stand while speaking, as a physical reason prevented the German from standing. . If he felt unwell, said a leading delegate, his words did not show it. Anyhow, he should have asked permission to remain seated. The American delegation describes Rantzau's speech as crude and sordid, typical of the Germans, without sporting instinct, and on a level with Germany's behaviour during the war. Mr Murdoch, referring to Rantzau's attitude, says: " We learned afterwards that the Germans used a studied pose of indifference from the moment that the French military cars called at their hotels to bring them to the Conference Hall. Rantzau was smoking a cigarette, and when he reached the steps of the hall he turned towards some privileged spectators, blew out a cloud of smoke, dropped his cigarette, disdainfully turned his back , and walked in." Mr Keith Murdoch says Count Rantzau's speech continues to affect the situation. I learn from the highest British source that the council is united in its determination not to proceed with negotiations in such a spirit, which is interpreted as a display of "Deutschland über Alles " arrogance. When British and American delegates expressed surprise at Rantzau's extraordinary attitude, M. Clemenceau replied : "Yes i you have never seen bullying Prussianism before; but we have lived under its shadows 50 powerless and humiliated. NEWSPAPER COMMENTS. HeiT Rantzau's attitude at Versailles is the subject of universal comment. Some onlookers describe it as studied insolence. All sharply criticise his manner and the tone of his speech, pointing out that it is an attempt to pose on an equality with the victorious Powers rather than as a delegate of the vanquished. Rantzau put

on large horn-rimmed spectacles t'efore reading his speech, -which occupied 50 minutes in deliverance. It must be- regarded as an expression of Germany's considered policy regarding the Conferolce.. The Daily Telegraph Paris correspondent states i " Rantzau's speech wets arrogant and aggressive. It was much longer and more contentious and provocative than was expected. Rantzau looked haggard. This harangue cannot be exactly described as virulent or defiant. Allowance . must be made. As the Germans left the hall I was struck by their pale and pinched l appearance." The Daily Mail describes Count Rantzau as the incarnation of the cunning, defiant, sanctimonious, truculent spirit of the Junker. The speech showed that Germany is wholly unrepentant and blatantly unconscious of the horror in which she is held among civilised peoples. CARRYING THE NEWS. DISTRIBUTIOnIn GERMANY. An aeroplane carried the Peace Treaty terms to Cologne, where they were printed in the German papers under British orders, and thousands of copies were sent into the heart of Germany. Herr Schiedemann, the German Chancellor, has informed the Peace Committee of,-the Berlin National Assembly that it is impossible for the committee to begin a detailed discussion of the- peace terms until the treaty has been translated, which will be about Thursday. A SHEAF OF GERMAN NOTES. OBJECTIONS TO THE TREATY. Count Rantzau has presented a Note to M. Clemenceau stating that it is impossible for Germany to fulfill the terms of peace. The German newspapers state that Count Rantzau's first Note in reply declares that the peace terms do not accord with Mr Wilson's 14 points, and adds: The delegates desired to negotiate with Mr Wilson direct. A campaign has been opened in Germany denouncing the terms of the treaty, and a thousand mass meetings have been arranged to protest. Germany's Note to the Allies further insists upon the release of German prisoners. There is an idea of joining with Russia in strengthening the Russo-German frontier, which is partially open, and a great exchange of commodities is proceeding. Rantzau has presented two Notes to M. Clemenceau. The first says that the Allied demands, are such that no people could bear them. The second Note states that although Germany is required to sign the treaty embodying a League of Nations she is not invited, to join the League. Rantzau asks under what circumstances would Germany be invited to join it. The Allies' reply to Rantzau's Notes says, in regard to the first Note, that the terms were framed with the thought constantly in mind respecting the principles on which the armistice and peace negotiations were proposed. The Allies cannot admit discussion respecting their right to insist on the terms as drafted, but they will consider practical suggestions. In answer to Rantzau's second Note, the Allies state that the covenant of the League of Nations explicitly provides for the admission of enemy Powers. A VISIT TO BERLIN. Count Rantzau will visit Berlin during the coming week, and return with the Government's counter-treaty. The German Government has authorised Rantzau to request a personal meeting with President Wilson for the purpose of oral negotiations. The American correspondent in touch with the Germans say that they have decided to ; leave for Weimar. Rantzau ordered all the Germans to be ready to depart in 48 hours owing to the severity of the terms. Rantzau requested individual interviews with Wilson, Clemenceau, and Lloyd George, but all of them refused. The delegation takes a stand against every chapter in the. terms; for instance, they demand an army of at least half a million; they describe the repara tion terms as fabulously over-estimated, and refuse even to consider the new frontiers of Germany set forth in the treaty. The Germans intend to object to any indemnities except for damage caused in France and Belgium. GERMAN PEOPLE STUNN^. The Daily Chronicle's Berlin correspondent states that the peace terms have stunned Berlin. All business is at a standstill and the Bourse has been closed for three days. Messages received in Berlin from Paris state that the German peace delegates are despondent. Ludendorff refused to interview a representative of the Daily Chronicle, but sent a message: "If these are the peace terms, America can go to Hell." The German Cabinet will meet to-day, and a pronouncement is expected tomorrow. The Berliner Tageblatt's correspondent at Versailles says that the German delegates are greatly depressed over the peace terms, which amounted to the death sentence of Germany. Both Socialist and non-Socialist newspapers think the terms should be refused. DISCUSSED BY GERMAN CABINET. After the Cabinet had discussed the draft treaty for five hours Herr Schiedemann addressed the Parliamentary Committee appointed to consider the treaty. He said: " The terms are the death sentence of Germany. We must discuss this document of hatred and madness with political sobriety." He .added that the Government had instructed the Paris delegation to submit a Note to the Allies pointing out the difference between the treaty and Mx Wilson's 14 points; also to

submit detailed counter-proposals and attempt to start an oral discussion. Herr Fehlenbacher, speaking on behalf of the leaders of all parties, said Herr Schiedemann rightly declared that the terms were unacceptable. Discussions be tween the Allies and the delegation at Paris might possibly result in a peace acceptable to the German people. EBERT'S PROCLAMATION. , PEACE'TERMS DENOUNCED. Herr Ebert has issued a proclamation violently denouncing the peace terms as utterly impracticable. They are intended, he says, to destroy Germany, reduce her to. slavery, and ■ sow the seed of future enmities, spelling the doom of any league professing to secure a world peace. Herr Ebert urges the public to support the Government, which, by counter-pro-posals, is determined to secure the victory of Right. Germany's reply to the peace terms will be a demand for a peace of Right as the only basis for a lasting peace of the .nations. The Government has decided on public mourning throughout next week, owing to the peace terms. The theatres will be closed. The Government is inundated with protests, especially from Eastern Germany, demanding alterations in the terms. HERR SCHIEDEMANN'S VIEWS. Travellers from Germany declare that Herr Schiedemann cannot sign the terms and that he would prefer the Allies to occupy Germany. Most of the delegates are reconciled to several weeks' negotiation. Herr Schucking addressed the German delegation on the League of Nations proposal. He demanded that all signatories to The Hague Convention should be members, and also the Pope. He opposed Geneva as the capital, preferring The Hague. He criticised the system of mandatories as disguised annexation, and regretted that freedom of the seas was not dealt with. He proposed that there should be an international maritime police. He also considered that the power of the press should not be left uncontrolled, because of its power to provoke war. ■ THE ALLIED WHIP. The complete economic isolation of Germany has been decided on in the event of the refusal of her delegates to sign the Peace Treaty. DATE OF RATIFICATION. ABOUT AUGUST 1. Government advices from London state that the Peace Treaty is not expected to be ratified and signed by the King until August 1. OPINIONS ABOUT THE PEACE TERMS. PARIS, May 8. M. Clemenceau, interviewed, said : " I think it is a good peace. France has derived immense benefits from association

with Britain and America. The peace is the more satisfactory because it means an alliance with the two most powerful' nations in the world." On the whole, the French view the treaty with satisfaction, though the Socialists are likely to think the terms not mild enough and the Extreme Right that they are not severe enough. _ All are agreed that the treaty will require careful watching to see that its demands are complied with. The French take much the same view of Count Rantzau's ebullition as the British. A British authoritative statement expresses great satisfaction with the treaty, which is the sternest in modern history, yet contains nothing vindictive. It is more than peace; it is the first step towards world reconstruction. The Czecho-Slovaks and Poles heartily acclaim the treaty as a real liberation. One of the principal points in the treaty providing comment in London, and specially noted in The Times, relates to enemy shipping. If America takes all the German ships, including German liners, in American harbours, the war will enormously diminish the merchant ships of the other Allies, particularly England, while the American losses will be made good nearly twice over. OPINIONS OF GERMAN DELEGATES. A German correspondent at Versailles transmits the opinions of the German delegates. Herr Giesberts, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, says: _ "Germany can only a sign a treaty which permits the rebuilding of her economic life. Occupation of districts producing important raw material is tantamount to a slow and paniful death. It would be better for us to return empty-handed than with a signed treaty containing terms which we would be compelled to leave unfulfilled. Germany will simply collapse under the imposed indemnity." Herr Mueller, German Minister to Switzerland, said : "We cannot consider a slavery binding the German workers to the French Government." Another delegate said: "Since the armistice strikes and revolution have lost us more money than the whole war. We could have borne the indemnity if it had been demanded in November, but such a heavy load is now impossible." It has been announced that the German delegates will make counter-proposals, which will be the utmost to which Germany can fcgree. The German newspapers protest that the terms are impossible, especially the indemnity. They protest against the veiled annexation of the Saar Valley, and say they must reject the disposition of Dantzig. ,Herr Giesberts, interviewed, said : "Our only course is to arrange peace with Russia and invite Russian troops into Germany." PRESS COMMENTS ON TREATY. FAVOURABLE ON THE WHOLE. It is too early to get a final expression of public opinion on the peace terms.

I The London newspapers are generally I favourable, but point out the necessity of j seeing the actual test. 1 The Daily Chronicle sayslhat the Polish settlement is incomplete, and may lead to new disputes in the next generation. The financial settlement is the least satisfactory feature, but the brutal fact is that Germany is incapable of making complete reparation. The Daily Express does not discuss the details of the proposals. It says that a good and great peace has been established, with just reparation and ample security. The Daily Mail states: "The military and naval terms are good and drastic, but there are dangerous loopholes on the financial side. The complete terms may show that excessive consideration has been shown to Germany. The mercantile terms do not go far to meet the British claims." The paper fears that the full terms are very short of Mr Lloyd George's promises. The Daily News says that the reparation terms cannot and should not stand. It will be hard to make Germany perform them. We are trying to have it both ways —stripping Germany naked and then demanding that she empty her pockets. The Daily Telegraph entirely approves of the terms, which are stern and stringent, but just. The Morning Post says : "On the whole the treaty is better than expected, but it must be enforced by a working alliance between the principal Allies. Prussia will not respect its conditions unless she accepts them under duress. A policy of kindness to Germany is a policy of cruelty to the Allies. The conditions .regarding the indemnity are not satisfactory. They do not bear out the great promises made at the elections. The Dantzig settlement is unexpectedly satisfactory; it is once again a free port under Polish influence. MR MASSEY*B VIEWS. THE TREATY~CRITICISED. Official: Mr'Massey says: "It would be very easy to find flaws and imperfection in the treaty, but these doubtless will be more evident later on without emphasising them now. The Council of the Great Powers has had during the past few months a most difficult task, of which a 1 great deal has been well done; but it has to be admitted that there have been many indications of a lack of that co-ordination which is essential to success. ■ Now that j the terms have been presented, unity is ; more essential than ever to counteract the I weakness of the treaty. Without such ■ inter-allied unity there cannot be the peace : the world has hoped for. " The greatest danger to a satisfactory outcome is the number of experiments embodied in the treaty. The League of Nations, which is excellent in theory and aims, is still without practical machinery. Moreover it must have time before its power can be relied upon even to make wars less frequent than in the past. The Labour Convention, also, is well based on high principles, and I hope it may_ do all that is expected in bringing up nations backward in labour conditions. The sys-

terns regarding mandates and economic terms, also, are experiments on which much depends. The results from the mandate system will be closely watched all over the world. Many proposals look simple on paper, but when put into practice, in conditions widely varied throughout the world, may not achieve the results desired.

Probably the greatest weakness in the treaty is the provision as regards guarantees for its execution. The proposal that the Allies should occupy the districts west of the Rhine for 15 years does not give France the measure of permanent security desired. What will happen after 15 years, even if the conditions hav© been complied with, is difficult to say. There is a very prevalent opinion in France that Germany will come again, though not in the present generation, military experts urge that the only way to make France safe is to give her defensive control of the west bank of the Rhine. This in itself is a serious problem. " As regards the various adjustments of past grievances, and unjust conditions, there seems to be too many commissions, making for complexity of control of European frontiers, ports, rivers, and railways, possibly causing frequent conflicts of varied nationalities and jealousies. The dealing with reparation is good as far as it goes, though dangerously indefinite. It is generally understood that this part of the treaty gave, the Council and its advisers more trouble than anything else, owing to the wide diversity of opinion. If Germany accepts the terms, Britain and the dominions will get something back; but their proportion is very hard to estimate; certainly they will not get more than 25 per cent., spread over'about 30 years, and perhaps will get much less than that."

" It may be said now that, respecting finance, the tenderness to Germany was very marked, the argument being that if the Allies' demands were too high they would probably, get nothing, and that Germany would bolshevise rather than pay. The die is now cast, and if one should judge by the arrogant bearing of the Hun delegates to-day, there will be trouble and plenty of it indeed before peace is finally declared. "The most vital and satisfying features of the treaty are the military, naval, and aerial terms, which were fixed by practical experts, who knew their enemy and what was required, and hit directly at Prussian militarism, which for many years to come has been smashed. This in itself is a great result, and counter-balances many minor defects in other directions. These terms are in striking contrast to the reparation and restitution proposals, which give too much scope for evasion. No aggregate sum is fixed, and Germany will surely take advantage of the elasticity of details.

" The clauses dealing with enemy crimes and the enforcement of penalties for atrocities and breaches of the laws of war and humanity are weak compared with the commission's recommendations, and affords the ex-Kaiser a wide loophole for escape through technicalities. The weakness of the council's clauses is due to the conflict of legal opinion respecting the sacrosanct position of the exalted heads of States.

(< In conclusion, it may be said that the chief cause of flaws in the treaty has been an effort to adjust all sorts of Allied difficulties and differences before securing without delay a definite, firm peace -with Germany and adequate reparation. The world will welcome and endorse the genuine effort of the Allies' Peace Conference to secure the restoration of Belgium, Northern France, and the devastated regions swept by Prussian warfare, and at the opportunity now given to new States emancipated by the Allied effort from tyranny. Mr Massey declared the Germans' attitude to be one of brazen _ effrontery. He expected them to display independence and perhaps defiance. Judging Germany by their action there is no sign of the regeneration of the spirit of the people of ermany. On the contrary, he apprehended serious trouble from them before the terms were finally agreed upon. He believed, however, that the Allies would stand by the terms in every important particular. SIR JOSEPH WARD INTERVIEWED. Sir Joseph Ward, interviewed, said the treaty governed such gigantic areas that its length Avas not surprising. It was a great experiment, necessarily based on uncertainty ; but if it prevented one great war it would confer an inestimable benefit. The fact that Germany was compelled to give up her ill-gotten territory would be cordially approved by all civilised _ countries, whilst it would act as a limitation upon her aggression. The peace of the world demanded the ex-Kaiser's punishment. He believed that the reparation proposals would prove effective. The financial burden should fall on the enemy, not on the Allies. If the Samoans ultimately desired to join New Zealand, the League of Nations would grant the wish. Rantzau, he thought, spoke more as a victor than as one of the vanquished; but he obviously intended his speech for propaganda purposes. There was no likelihood that the Allies would bleed Germany, BRITISH LABOUR'S MANIFESTO. The British Labour Executive has issued a manifesto which states: ' Some of the principles of the treaty are opposed to the declarations of President Wilson, the Interallied Conference, and the Berne Conference. The treaty.is defective from the standpoint of worid peace. It bears evidence of a compromise due to the influences exerted by Capitalism and Imperialism. The Labour Party declines responsibility for its violations of principle, inasmuch as organised Labour was not represented at the Peace Conference, and the general spirit of the document is contrary to the working class conception of Peace, of Right, and Justice. Labour therefore locks to the people and the forces

of organised democracy to safeguard and develop the idea of a peaceable community of all nations. Germany ought to make reparation, but she should be represented on the Eeparation Commission. The amount of compensation should have regard to Germany's ability to meet the needs of her own population." The manifesto regrets that the treaty, while imposing on Germany drastic disarmament, does not provide for the progressive limitation of armament for the other signatories, and protests at any attempt towards the permanent separation of the Saar Valley from Germany. It hopes that France will agree to consult the people of Alsace-Lorraine, under the League of Nations, in accordance with the principle of self-determination. The people of German-Austria should have free and unrestricted right to decide for themselves whether they will become one of the German Federal States or remain independent. THE DEVASTATED AREAS. The Daily Chronicle publishes a Berlin message, which says that according to long dispatches from the German special correspondent with the Peace Delegation, members were deeply impressed by the sight of wasted regions in France and Belgium. The Vossiche Zeitung says: . The spectacle throws clearer light on many things than a hundred conferences. These people suffered horribly; naturally their fists are clenched, and they curse us. REPARATION. One clause in the treaty provides that 500 stallions, 30,000 fillies, 1000 bulls, 90,000 cows, and 100,000 rams,* sheep, and goats shall be handed over by Germany to France and also a great number to Belgium.

The Acting Prime Minister (Mr Watt) states that Australia will receive £40,000,000 as her share of the indemnity.