DENMARK'S POLICY.

Otago Witness, Issue 652, 28 May 1864, Page 9

DENMARK'S POLICY.

[From the " Times "]

Among the many troubles incident to the present position of Denmark, perhaps not the least evil is that everybody considers that he has a right to offer her advice. There is something gratifying to our natural love of superiority in lecturing our neighbors ; it costs, so little, and it does us so much credit. If we advise them to he brave, we feel so valiant ourselves ; if we advise them t« be prudent, we feel such thorough confidence in our own wisdom , and foresight. We do not pretend to be more free from these foibles than our neighbors, and therefore shall presume in our turn to offer a word of counsel to a nation which many persons are endeavoring to lead astray in this the supreme moment of her destiny. There are not wanting those who tender to Denmark the advice usually given to (he smaller boy in a street fight to " go in" and overthrow his gigantic antagonist. The advice is easily given, the whole difficulty is in the execution, with which the bystanders have no concern. There is something yery agreeable in watching the pro-, cess of a gallant defence against superior power. " How can a man die better," says Macaulay, " than in facing fearful odds ?" The question we wish to raise with Denmark is, not what is the best method of dying, but whether it is absolutely necessary to die at all. Before she accepts the advice of these fire-eating counsellors, Denmark would do wisely to consider what aid they are willing to extend to her in the struggle for life and death in which she is involved. Will they risk their lives, will they stake their money, will they' so much as wet their feet, for the sake of a cause for which they urge Denmark to sacrifice her last dollar and her last man ? If her cause is so good, and the sympathy of other countries is so warm, why is it that she stands alone among such unexampled perils ? Why is it that even Sweden, whose very existence is threatened by the events that are now passing in the Cimbric Peninsula, makes no effort for her assistance ?, Let Denmark take a calm review of her present position., Like the Southern States of America she doubtless at one time entertained a hope that some Power would come to her aid. But time wears on, and the expected aid comes not. She is alone in the world, confronted by two great military Powers, before either of whom it would be no disgrace for her to yield. It is quite clear that Prance, for whom she did and suffered so much in the wars of the great Napoleon, has no intention of doing or Buffering anything for her. It is equally clear that England does not understand the violation ot a treaty to which no guarantee was attached, or a matrimonial alliance which forms a link between two Royal families, as calling upon her to come to the rescue. Denmark is alone in the world, and all that we have been able to obtain for her is the offer of a Conference to be carried on -without any cessation of hostilities. Let her pause before she rejects that offer, let her consider how she is for any long time to encounter the attack of Powers able to put ten men into the field against her one. Enough, and far more than enough has been done for honour. Before the statue of that insatiable Moloch blood has been already poured forth in reckless and over-abundant sacrifice. Denmark has confirmed for herself the character which she long ago won in the face of Europe for steady and stubborn bravery, which adverse fortune can neither daunt nor depress. A further prolongation of hostilities cannot add materially to her renown, but may inflict such injury on her resources ag centuries may not redeem. To push the struggle any further is to risk the destruction in battle of the flower and manhood of a scanty population without the possibility of inflicting a corresponding loss on her invaders, and to cripple the finances of a monarchy by incurring a debt- which every day of continued war renders her less able to pay. The struggle may doubtless be protracted, but success — such -success as may enable Denmark to come but of the war in the condition which she desires— is scarcely within the range of possibility. Hope may suggest insurrections, revolutions, and civil wars ; but all these belong to the domain of speculation, upon which no prudent man or wise kingdom presumes to build. If the Danish people will only look back to the last twelve years, they will see that it is from the very obstinate and unbending temper which we are now deprecating the present unfortunate position of the country has arisen. If Denmark would have listened during the last twelve years to such demands of Germany as were founded in reason and good faith, she would have averted that invasion which has been effected with such brutal and lawless violence. The sovereign people, who have so recently obtained absolute power, have yet to learn how necessary it ia to control the popular will, and how easy it is for that

will to encounter other wills as overbearing and headstrong as itself.

After all, what is Denmark called upon to yield? At the present moment she may, we believe, obtain peace on terms which leave not only her honour untarnished, but her material interests prejudiced in a very alight degree. Denmark, we are told, ba3 only to make up her mind to a personal union between herself and the two Duchies —to a union such as existed for a hundred years between England and Scotland— and she will be redeemed at once from the midst of the deadly perils which surround her. If such terms can be obtained, let Denmark compare her own demands with thatwhichitisinherpoweratoncetosecure, and duly estimate how much she may gain by how small a concession. The real difficulty of her position lies in the feeling of the populations towards her. If the people in Schleswig are well disposed, they will be a valuable accession to the strength of the monarchy under a personal union ; if their feelings are alienated, they will add little to her power, though they be grappled to her with links of steel. We do not write as apologists of Germany. Were the question one to be decided before a judicial tribunal, we should have every confidence that the cause of Denmark would succeed. Bat the question is not one of justice, but of expediency. It would be little consolation to Denmark that she were ruined even in the defence of her just rights. The injured do not necessarily succeed because they feel themselves entitled to revenge, and an appeal to force is scarcely ever made in the interest of the weaker party. If the present opportunity be neglected, no one can say that it will ever recur. The torrent of war once let loose 3weeps before it all landmarks ; and Denmark may neglect to negotiate for peace till nothing is leftfornegotiation. The Power that will not seize the opportunities of Dresden andChatillon must look for a Fontainebleau, when n& terms will be accepted. Denmark has had ample experience of the harsh and cruel spirit in which Germany is disposed to treat her. What mercy will she have to expect when her force is beaten down, and her kingdom lies at the feet of arrogant and imperious conquerors^ who have found for the first time, a point of union in their common desire for her humiliation, if not for her destruction? Let not the Danish nation suppose that we offer this counsel under the influence of any interested motives whatever. We are thoroughly persuaded, notwithstanding the warlike eloquence,, of the House of Peers, that Denmark has no material assistance to expect.from England. The rejection of our counsels will not alienate us. Their acceptance will not bring us the least nearer to war. We have cautioned the Danes againat the advice of those who urge them to their extreme peril without the slightest intention of partaking it. We may with consistency recommend them advice which presses upon them the adoption of that peace which those who give it are determined to observe.