GENERAL DE GAULLE’S POLICY

Otago Daily Times, Issue 26437, 16 April 1947, Page 5

GENERAL DE GAULLE’S POLICY

Speculation Aroused in Britain

MARKED RESEMBLANCE TO FASCISM

From Our Special Correspondent Rec. 11.30 p.m. ' LONDON, Apl. 16. The return of General de Gaulle to the French political scene is being followed in Britain with some scepticism, tempered with curiosity as to what will be his tactics. There is some conjecture as to whether de Gaulle is preparing for a planned coup d’etat. Speculations include references to “ Fascism ” and the suggestion that if he persists with his policy the road will lead to civil war. The alternative, it is stated, is a vain and inglorious retreat.

The Observer remarked that there was an almost irresistible parallel in the French political scene with the genesis of most of the regimes which are loosely called Fascist. It looks much like the Italy of the early twenties—the scene of a parliamentary Government in a state of near-deadlock, with an 'acute fear of a Communist dictatorship. The Communists in France, however, represent-less than a-quarter of the French people and are feared and hated by the other three-quarters, which accounts for the strong appeal de Gaulle’s movement is likely to make. He promises stability on an anti-Com-munist basis, which is exactly what Fascism does. European Fascism came into being as a reaction to the threat of Communism, and very possibly it will renew itself almost automatically in varying forms wherever the threat becomes acute. The Economist asks how de- Gaulle’s plan for guiding France towards future prosperity; strength, and independence giving “ efficiency, harmony, and liberty,” is to be brought about. If he tries to rally all the deputies from the centre to the Right behind him, down will come M. Ramadier’s Government The policy of co-operation with and appeasement of the Communists pursued by the Popular Republicans and Socialists" will collapse. If that happens, asks the Economist, what is to/ prevent M. Thorez and his colleagues from wielding their dreaded weapon of a general strike and non-co-operation by the workers? It adds that at that point the shadow of civil war must appear. If de Gaulle is ready even for that, he should think of the probable consequences for Europe—the inevitable partisanship of America for the Right and divided sympathies all over Europe, the greatest of ail in Britain, the inevitable collapse of the. Monnet Plan, and the end to al chances of beating Germany in the race to industrial recovery. The Economist suggests it is unlikely that the Catholic end Pro-

lently disagreed with him in the past." It thinks it far more likely that his backers lie further still to the Right. It also thinks that de Gaulle has timed his campaign badly. The New Statesman and Nation remarks that de Gaulle may well drive the two French Left parties into each other’s arms if they are confronted with a new semi-Fascist threat. No doubt, it adds, de Gaulle believes this an opportune moment for launching an attack on the Communists at home and abroad. “ His efforts, however, to balance French politics between Russia and America are more likely to end by forcing the French people to take sides with Communism or with an Imperialist alliance.” says the paper. “No good can come of this dangerous folly. The woq]d-be saviour of his country may yet drag it to ruin.”

gressive-Conservative 1 M.R.P. are behind de Gaulle, since they vio-