THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES THURSDAY, August 24, 1939. RUSSIA'S DECISION

Otago Daily Times, Issue 23895, 24 August 1939, Page 10

THE OTAGO DAILY TIMES THURSDAY, August 24, 1939. RUSSIA'S DECISION

The dramatic announcement of the intention of Germany and Russia to conclude a non-aggression pact may be due to failure on the part of British statesmanship to convince the Soviet Government of the reality of Great Britain's conversion from a policy of appeasement to one of actual resistance of further German aggression. It is true that the semisecret nature of the negotiations conducted during weary months between London, Paris and Moscow has made it impossible for the man in the street to have any informed idea of the difficulties that have so far prevented agreement between Russia and the western peace front Powers. Time after time agreement was reported to be imminent, and each withdrawal was explained, on the British side, as being due to exaggerated Russian caution or to some extension of the formula advanced by the Soviet for AngloFrench acceptance. Russia, it may be suspected, has all along been determined to avoid entanglements in Europe while confronted at the same time with the possibility of embroilment with Japan in the east. At any rate it is known that only a few weeks ago M. Molotov, in a speech before the. Supreme Soviet Council, expressed the fear that British policy was seeking to- deflect rather than to resist aggression in Europe, and recalled M. Stalin's precept that Russia must be cautious and not allow herself to be drawn into conflicts "by warmongers who are accustomed to have others pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them." It was then laid down, as the basis of Russian policy in the three-party negotiations, that the mutual assistance pact in prospect should be of exclusively defensive character, in contrast to the rigid nature of the Italo-German military alliance; that British, French and Soviet guarantees should be given to the States of Central and Eastern" Europe, including, "without exception," all of the European countries bordering on the U.S.S.R.; and that the measures and procedure for rendering assistance should be made precise. The development which has now staggered Europe appears to indicate that, in the Russian view, the prospect of concluding a pact with Britain and France that would fulfil all of those conditions was hopeless. Short of the explanation of deliberate Russian duplicity—which appears to be discounted by the Moscow intimation of the Government's "undiminished desire" to pursue the Anglo-Soviet negotiations to a " successful conclusion " —it would seem that the Russian Government has utilised the most direct means available of reinforcing its own position in the event of an outbreak of war in Europe. If war does occur, the fuse will be fired from Berlin. Moscow, therefore, has dealt separately—albeit secretly—with Berlin to obtain whatever assurances of immunity from participation might be possible in a wholly abnormal international situation. As a consequence, problems of unexampled gravity confront the British' and French Governments. The British Cabinet, it is reported, has "unhesitatingly declared" that the Rysso-German pact can in no way affect the Government's obligations towards Poland, which Britain is determined to fulfil. That attitude was inevitable, in view of the explicit nature of the pledges given. But Britain, with France, is committed also to defence of the frontier integrity of Rumania, Greece and Turkey. And, when it is recognised that Germany is bound by nonaggression pacts, with most 'of Poland's neighbours, that she has virtually neutralised Russia, and that she has Italy as an ally, and presumbly Spain as a more or less pliable tool in her hands, the tremendous strength of Herr Hitler's military position does not require emphasis. In these circumstances the peace-seeking countries can only await, with what calm they can command, the outcome of political manoeuvring in the next few days.