WHY COOLIDGE WON.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 19347, 6 December 1924, Page 15

WHY COOLIDGE WON.

SLAP AT RADICALISM. (From Our Own Correspondent.) SAN IRANCISCO, November 8. There were many contributing factors which were accredited with Calvin Coolidge being chosen President of the United States for the next quadrennial term at Washington, but, judging by the analysis of many of the political “experts” who followed the situation closely, his choice by such an overwhelming wave of popularity throughout the country was regarded as a direct slap at Radicalism which every year has been growing apace in these United States, America has had the out-and-out fullblooded Bolshevists of the advanced ranks of Socialism, but it also has had in its domains the party known as “parlour Bolshevists,” —a faction designated as “pinks,” and not so advanced in theories as their partners in arms, the fiery “reds.” Both factions have created considerable annoyance to the capitalist class whom they regarded as their avowed enemies, and among this twin force Senator La Follette ' drew thousands of recruits, although, he publicly denied that he was a Socialist, a Bolshevist or even a “pink” He based his programme on so-called progressivcism. In any case, “Big Business,” condemned the luckless Wisconsin Senator in unmeasured terms, placing him in tho<category of a Nihilist, a renegade, and almost every crime of the calendar. The domination of the press, to the tune of 6000 publications in America, did not fail to have its effect upon a class of American who refuses to think for himself and this class was easily swayed by editorials. What was to be one of the most curious features of the whole campaign was the attitude of large numbers of prominent metropolitan journals in widespread sections of the country. Up to within a few days of polling these newspapers backed the candidature of La Follette and then suddenly • with one accord they “threw him down,” and avowed the cause of Mr Coolidge. In some instances these newspapers were founded by worjnng men. whose money was invested in their stock, and it may be imagined the management of these prints received numbers of pointed letters concerning their “flop” policy, as it wag termed in the section of the press which remained loyal to La Follette throughout. Many placed an element of blame upon the shoulders of the managers of La Folletto for claiming too much, but the old figure of “Fighting Bob” declared he had not expected to win the Presidency on this occasion, but he believed there would be a reversion of sentiment four years hence when he opined he would be returned a White House victor.

Norman Hapgood, who knows the feelings of Americans politically closely, had this to say after the polling was declared ; “The father-in-law of Senator La Follette was a wise old man. From La Toilette’s early days in politics up to the old man’s death a few years ago he had a strong influence on Fighting Bob. He never believed in bunk. ‘Tell the exact truth’ was his principle. ‘lt may beat us this time, but it will elect us next time.’ “The one outstanding mistake by the Progressives in this campaign was claiming things. They should have stuck to the position taken by the Senator at the beginning—that his run was intended to let those Americans who feel the need of a new party stand up and be counted. He made it clear that his first interest was in keeping his Progressive bloc in Congress together- and that his only interest was to lay the foundation for future organisation. But these wise plans were lost sight of during the campaign, and it was sought to keep up enthusiasm by claiming a lot of States and even by claiming the election. The Senator’s old father-in-law never would have stood for that. It is a mistake to cause disappointment by unreal claims. However, that feeling is more or less temporary. By the time the Progressive leaders meet in Washington in January they will examine the situation in cold blood, without any illusions. Also they will examine it after having forgotten their disappointment at not having realised their rosier dreams. Seen in cold blood, then, what it the situation that will confront them, and what will they decide? Perhaps the Coolidge landslide will discourage them rather less than the reluctance shown by the Democrats to turn over and die. Certainly even the more reasonable Progressives expected to run second in many places where as a fact the Democrats ran well ahead of them. But let it not be forgotten that the La Follette bloc is going right on with its work in Congress, with a good prospect of doing what it did last session. In spite of their epormous victory the Republicans have no buggy-ride ahead of them. The farmer will keep on making a continuous loud sound, meaning that he wants something. What are they going to give him? Also, the President is committed to the attempt to change the tax plan passed by the last Congress and substitute one more satisfactory to the rich. Will he actually try it? If he does he will fail, regardless of his triumph on November 4. We must not forget the size of Harding’s victory, and yet he was beaten on his rairoad loan, his world court, his ship subsidy, and the congressional elections two years later went strongly against his party.” In assigning the causes for the election result first place was given by Mark Sullivan, former editor of Collier’s Weekly, and recognised aa one of the most levelheaded prognosticators of the campaign, to the deep and solid personal strength of Mr Coolidge. He did not believe that the denunciation of the Ku Klux Klan was hurtful to the candidature of John W. Davis, the Democratic nominee. It was wholly because of antecedent circumstances which gave that declaration an atmosphere and significance which in truth it ought net to have had, said Mr Sullivan. What Davis said was: “I am opposed to religious intolerance, whether practised by the Ku Klux Klan or anybody else.” Mark Sullivan traced some measure of the defeat of Davis to the acrimonious sessions at the Democratic Convention in New York when Governor A 1 Smith was ousted. Ho believed some of the Democrats never forgave the failure to nominate Smith.

Generally, moat of those backing Coolidge believed that Coolidge would bring prosperity to the country. There was the outstanding cause of the widespread public confidence in Coolidge and there was the immense superiority of the Republican organisation in funds and other forma of effectiveness, notably the domination of the press of the land. Everyone knows that millions of dollars wore thrown into the so-called “ slush fund ” to advance the candidature of Mr Coolidge. President Coolidge himself considered Providence was an agency in the result of bis election whpn he said; “I can only express my simple thanks to all those who have contributed to this result and acknowledge that it has been brought to pass through the work of a divine providence, of which I am but one instrument.”

Addressing a small fjrmy of correspondents who assembled to acclaim the President, Mr Coolidge added: 11 It does not seem possible to me to make an adequate expression concerning the Presidency of the United States. No other honour equals it, no responsibility approaches it. When it is conferred by an overwhelming choice of the people and vote of the electoral college these are made greater.” Nobody witnessed any approach of “chaos” which had been predicted by all the campaign managers should their individual candidate fail to secure election. The country went on as usual, for politics in America are peculiar; they mean at the same time a lot and absolutely nothing. If one man is elected Wall street loosens up and if another happens to gain the cannot resist making money whoever reigns.

La Follette called upon Progressives to “close ranks and gird themselves for the next battle.” He declared they would not be dismayed by the landslide for Coolidge'. “We have not been defeated, but overwhelmed for the time being by the use of slush funds, intimidation, technical obstruction and abuse of power in securing a place for independent electors on the ballot and in the count and return of the vote.”

John W. Davis had very little to say except congratulate the President on hia election.

Directly the election returns indicated a landslide for Coolidge “Big Business’ Bellowed its opinion all over the country and bankers, industrial leaders and corporation presidents unanimously said they expected a great renewal of business activity. Judge Elbert H. Gary, of the United States Steel Corporation, said: “Never before in the history of the world has any country had such an opportunity for advancement. The fundamentals are here, the foundation has been laid. It is up to us, the people, to do our part. It is certain President Coolidge will measure up fully to his responsibilities. 'Phis country will be an example and an inspiration. I look for great future prosperity.” G. W. Davison, president of the Central Trust Company, agreed with Judge Gary, saying; “The election has removed uncertainty, stimulated confidence and left the way clear for business to go ahead on sound lines.” ’S. iR. Guggenheim, of Guggenheim Brothers, said; ‘T rejoice over the election of President Coolidge. It means great industrial prosperity and progress in all our affairs, national and international.’* H. T. Parsons, president of the h. W. Woolworth and Co., said: “We can now look ahead to four years of good business without hesitancy.” It was the same story in Chicago, and to the chorus of optimism James A. Patten. the well-known millionaire, declared the farmers now realise they have nothing to hope for from “radical politicians ’ and that the election of the Republican ticket will be followed by new prosperity. All the financial “wizards,” the industrial leaders and others in Big Business joined hands in asserting that Americans were now in for four years of unexampled prosperity, and the working class, including among their ranks hundreds, of thousands of unemployed, sincerely hope the optimists will prove correct in their predictions.