HOUSE OF LORDS

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18677, 5 October 1922, Page 4

HOUSE OF LORDS

THE HEREDITARY PRINCIPLE, LORD STRATHSPEY’S SUGGESTION. (From Our Own Correspondkxt.) LONDON) August -tIt will be the autumn before the Peers take up again in committee the discussion of the Government proposals for the reform of the House of Lords. Already, however. Lend Salisbury has put two important amendments on the notice paper. The first is to the fourth resolution which d'.-als with Money Bills. It sets out that the suggested Joint Committee of both Houses to decide whether a Bill comes under this category shall have regard to the underlying purpose and the probable effects of the Bill, and if in their opinion that purpose or those effects are non-timuiciat. or if although the purpose may be financial the non-iinancial effects are more important than those of a, pure financial nature, the Joint Standing Committee shall report that the Bill is not a Money Bill. Another amendment is to the effect tlf.U. the Joint Committee shall choose ils own chairman, who may be a member of that body (in which cn.se he shall have a second or casting vote), or from among the other members of either House, “in which case he shall vote, only when Hie voices are equal.” (The Government scheme is that the Speaker shall preside ex officio.) finally. Lord Salisbury proposed to add lo Ihe filth resolution (which deals with non-Money Bills and piovidas that the Veto Art shall not apply to any Bill amending the Constitution, or changing the powers, of the Lords) words which would alter the Veto Act in tins sense. Instead of <v Bill to which the Lords object passing automatically into law when it lias been three times sent up from the Commons, such Bill cannot be passed “before a dissolution of Parliament shall have taken place end in the ’first session, of the revv Parliament the Bill shall have been approve 1 by a resolution of the House cl Com mens .” When the House resolved itself into committee a few days ago to consider the reform resolutions, Lord) Stuart of Worlley, welcomed two admissions in resolutions submitted by a Government of which Mr Lloyd George was Prime Minister—that some hereditary clement was to be preserved m the House of Lords,- and that the Parliament Act was susceptible of amepdment in some important, if not fundamental, particulars. If. had been said that the time was inopportune for reform, that (hero wos no demand for it in the country. He advised their lordships not to delay re-building their House until a storm was upon them. So long as the Parliament Act was not amended tiie subverters, the u-pheavers of the House of Lords, the abolition men, and the singleChambcr men, would have the lew on their aide. During (he last 30 years, at any rate down to 1909, the House of Lords had divined popular opinion much belter than the popular House. They did not want a llouss composed of what the American called 1 mugwumps,’ or a House composed of those who were not wanted anywhere else.—(Laughter.) He , believed) in decreasing the numbers. They would get rid of the reproach of the preponderance of the hereditary principle, which was part of (he original design or structure of the Assembly, He welcomed the arrival of some elected element and of a nominated element. The time was opportune for reform on moderate lines. AN ADMIRABLE RECORD. Lord Long believed all were agreed on two or three propositions which had been laid down. Everybody acknowledged that there must be some limitation of the powers of (ho House. He also believed that everybody held that the Parliament Act went much too far, and that there was widespread agreement that it, ought to ho materially altered. When he sought for other reasons for reform he had much greater difficulty in finding them. The record of tho House was so wholly admirable os to bo almost extraordinary. There was no choice between the hereditary principle, somewhat modified, and a popularly elected body. Any attempt to set up . three or four different classes of peers was bound to fail. As to fears of what the Labour Party might do when they came into power, he denied altogether that there was any justification for the view that they would go in for republics or drastic action of that kind. The real danger from a Government of extremists was the danger of financial legislation, and whatever changes they might make in the Parliament Act, ho was certain that the Lower Chamber wouy never consent to share with anybody the control of finance. At the same time ho held that it was intolerable that the Speaker of the other House should, by hie ipse dixit, say whether a Bill was a finance Bill or not. He believed the hostility to the hereditary principle, was dead. At any rate, the demand for its abolition. like the demand for the Disestablishment of tho Church of England, had receded into the background. But there was a feeling against a young peer, immediately on succeeding to his title, being allowed to take his scat and influence the course of legislation. Without waiting for legislation, the House would do well to tlx the ago at which a peer could take his sent, say, 25 or 30, and also require an undertaking from him that he would take an active part in its services. The Marquess of Aberdeen welcomed tho opportunity which reform would provide of the heads of Nonconformist bodies being nominated as members of the House. Although Lady Rhondda's petition had been overruled by the Committee for Privileges, the question of the admission of poetesses to that House could not he left over permanently. DOMINION REPRESENTATION. While agreeing that tho House of Lords exercises great influence in this country, Lord Strathspey considered, that it wielded a great influence throughout the whole Empire—in some places the attitude towards it was almost reverential. He suggested that if any reform were required it might be in (he direction of giving an opportunity to other parts of the Empire. He thought that some generals from overseas ought to have been given peerages and seats in the House of Lords in recognition of their war services—this was done in the case of several British generals. Extension of the courtesy to oversea dominions .would have been a gracious act, and would have met with appreciation. He thought that all the do J minions had well earned the privilege of representation in the Houso op Lords.