WELCOME TO THE IMPERIAL DELEGATES.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 18323, 13 August 1921, Page 13

WELCOME TO THE IMPERIAL DELEGATES.

“VERY OLD FRIENDS.’’ AN EMPIRE BASED ON LIBERTY. MR LLOYD GEORGE’S GREAT SPEECH. (From Oub Own Correspondent.) LONDON, June 21. In a statcsman-liko speech delivered with much eloquence Mr Lloyd George yesterday welcomed the delegates to the Imperial Conference. What ho said met with a very hearty reception trom those privileged to hear it. The real purpose of tho conference was stated in the single phrase: “Wo want to know your standpoint, and we want to tell you ours.” The Premier referred to the heavy loss sustained by tho Empire through the death of General Botha, but he added that South Africa was fortunate inasmuch as Botha's mantle had fallen cn his distinguished colleague, General Smuts, who had already played a great part in Imperial councils during the war and in tho making of the peace. He described Mr Hughes and Mr Massey as very old friends. “I believe,” he said!, “that we three enjoy the unenviable distinction of being Iho only Prim© Ministers who took part in tho war and who, so far, have survived tho troublesome years of peace, and I am rejoiced to sec both of them looking as young and fit ns ever. The conference falls at a time of great stress in this country and of serious trouble in many parts of the world. Never did statesmanship in all lands demand more patience and wisdom.” STANDING BY TREATIES.

After dealing with the questions of German disarmament and reparation, and referring to the difficulties concerning the fixation of tho boundaries of Poland and peace with Turkey, the Premier continued; “Once those two arc settled, then I think we may say that peace has been made. The first essential to peace — a stable peace—and reconstruction is that we should stand by our treaties. There are those who grow 'weary of these great reap ■•v'-tities, and who speak as though it were possible to renounce them in this quarter or in that without injustice to other peoples or detriment to ourselves. I venture to say that such arguments are as short-sighted as they arc false. The nations and peoples of the world live realised their interdependence in a measure far greater than ever before the war. and tho League of Nations—whatever may be thought of tho provisions of the covenant—stands as witness to their realisation of that truth. AMERICA AND JAPAN. “There is no quarter of the world where w© desire more greatly to maintain peace and fairplay for all nations and to avoid a competition of armaments than in the Pacific and in the Far East. Our alliance with Japan has been a valuable factor in that direction in the past. We have found Japan a faithful Ally, who rendered us valuable assistance in an hour of serious and very critical need. The British Empire will not easily forget that Japanese tnen-of-war escorted the transports which brought the Australian and New Zealand Forces to Europe at a time when ‘German cruisers were still at large in the ImV an and Pacific Oceans. We desire to preserve that welltried friendship which has stood us both in pood etead, and to apnly it to the solution of all questions in the Par East, where Japan has special interests, and where we oursolves, like the United States, desire equal opportunities and the open door. FOLLY OF RACE FEUDS. “Not least amongst these questions is the future of China, which looks to us, as to the United States, for sympathetic treatment and fairplay. No greater calamity could overtake the world than cny further accentuation of the world’s divisions upon the lines of race. The British Empire has done signal service to humanity in bridging those divisions in tho past; the loyalty of the KingEmperor’s Asiatic peoples is the proof. To depart from that policy, to fail in that duty, would not only greatly increase tho dangers of international war; it would divide the British Empire against itself. Our foreign policy can never range itself in any sense upon the differences cf race between East and West. It would be fatal to the Empire. OFFER TO AMERICA. “We look confidently to the Government andl people of the United States for their sympathy and understanding in this respect. Friendly co-operation with the United States is for us a cardinal principle, dictated by what seems to us the proper nature cf things, dictated by instinct quite as much as by reason and common-sense. W© desire to work with the groat republic in all parts of. the world. Like it, we want stability end peace, on the basis of liberty and justice. Like it, wo desire to avoid the growth of armaments, whether in the Pacific or elsewhere, and wo rejoice that American opinion should lie showing so much earnestness in that direction at the present lime. Wo are ready to discuss with American statesmen any proposal for the limitation of armaments which they may wish to set out, and we can undertake that no such overtures will find n lack cf willingness on our part to meet them. In the meantime we cannot forget that, the very life of the United Kingdom, as also of Ausiralia andl Now Zealand —indeed, the whole Empire—has been built upon sea power, nud that sea power is necessarily tho basis of the whole Empire’s existence. We have therefore to look to tho pleasures which our security requires; we aim at nothing more; we cannot possibly bo content with less. EMPIRE LINKING.

“The British Empire is progressing very satisfactorily from a constitutional standpoint as veil as in other ways. The direct communication between Prime Ministers, established during the war, has, I think, worked well, and we have endeavoured to keep you thoroughly abreast of all important developments in foreign affairs by special messages sent out weekly or even more frequently when circumstances required. Indeed, at every important conference, either here or on tlm Continent, one of the first duties I felt I ought to discharge was to send as full and as complete and as accurate an account as I possibly could, not merely of th 3 decisions taken, but of the atmosphere, which counts for so very much. 1 have invariably, to the beat of ray ability, Sent accounts, some of them of the most confidential character, which would give to the dominions even the impressions which we formed, and which gave yon the information beyond what we could possibly communicate to the press. CANADA. AT WASHINGTON

“One change which has taken place since the war is the decision of the Canadian Government to have a Minister of its own at Washington—a very important development. We have co-operated willingly with that, and we shall welcome a Canadian colleague nt Washington as soon as the appointment is made. We shall be glad to have any suggestions that occur to you as to the methods by which the business of the dominions in London, so far as it passes through our hands, may be transacted with greater dignity and efficiency, though you will all, I think, agree that the Empire owes much to Lord Milner and Lord Long for their services in the Colonial Office during a period of great difficulty and stress. We shall also welcome any suggestions which you may have for associating yourselves more closely with the conduct of foreign relations.. Any suggestions which you can make upon that subject we shall be very delighted to hear and discuss. There was a time when Downing street controlled the Empire; to-day the Empire is in charge of Downing street. In recognition of their services and achievements in the war the British dominions have now been accepted fully into the comity of nations by the whole world. India’s achievements were also very great. Her soldiers lio with ours in all the theatre of war, and no Britisher can ever forgot the gallantry and promptitude with which she sprang forward to the King-Emperor’s service when war wiai declared,” and the Premier welcomed the representatives of India to the great Council of the Empire. HALLY TO THE FLAG. ‘‘The opportune revelation supplied by the war of the reality of the British Empire lias in my judgment (continued the Premier) altered the history of the world. Those of ns who know—and many if not most of us sitting at this table were here during the most critical hours cf the war, and sat at this same table —those of us who know how narrow the margin was between victory and defeat can proclaim without hesitation that without these two million men, that came from outside the United Kingdom, prussianisra would probably have 1 triumphed in the West and the East before American troops arrived on the stage, and Lord Curzon, who is at this moment discussing with M. Briand, the Prime Minister of Franco, the execution of a victorious treaty, would have been discussing how best to carry out the humiliating conditions dictated by the triumphant war lords of Germany. ’lhc reign of unbridled force would have been supreme, and his generation would have had to spend its days in interpreting and enduring that calamitous fact in all spheres of human activity and influence. The unregulated unity of the British Empire saved Franco, Britain, and civilisation from that catastrophe. BASED ON LIBERTY.

“Tho British Empire is a saving fact in a very distracted world. It is tho most hopeful experiment in human organisation which the world has yet seen. It is not so much that it combines men of many races, tongues, traditions, and creeds in one system of government. Other empires have clone that, but the British Empire differs from all in one essential respect. It is based not on fpreo but on goodwill and a common understanding. Liberty is its binding principle. Where that principle has not hitherto beea applied it is gradually being introduced

into the- structure. It is that willing and free association of many nations and peoples which this conference represents. Think of what we stand for in this room to-day. First of all, the long political development of the British Isles, with all its splendours and its pains, the crucible from which the framework of the whole great structure has emerged. Canada, British and French; South Africa, British and Dutch —both now great dominions whose unity is due to the free and willing combination of two proud races in a single nationhood. Australia and New Zealand, British civilisations both, but planted and developed with a genius of their own by the sheer enterprise and grit of their peoples in the furthest Antipodes. ... It is our duty here to present the ideals of this great association of peoples in willing > loyalty to one Sovereign, to take counsel together with the progress and welfare of all, and to keep our strength, both moral and material, a united power for justice, liberty, and peace." CONFIDENCE OF THE DELEGATES. This afternoon I asked Mr Massey his opinion of tho British Premier's speech, and he told me ho regarded it cs tho most important statement that had been delivered since the war. Ha felt sure that what Mr Lloyd George had said would give great satisfaction not only to tho British citizens of the dominions, but to the citizens at the heart of the Empire. It would give confidence to a number of people who were anxious about the present position. Tho speech was candid, outspoken, and well expressed, and it gave the impression that the Prime Minister intended to admit all the overseas dominions into his confidence in regard to the settlement of the difficulties which at present appear to confront tho Empire. The right note was struck, and tho speech itself met with tho unanimous approval of tho dominions’ representatives. CANADA’S PREMIER. Mr Arthur Meighen, Premier of Canada, is not much known in London, and impressions of him are eagerly looked for by pressmen. A Canadian who knows him says ho may prove a difficult element in tiro Conference. “He is an Imperialist, but he ic a Canadian first. He realises tho importune o of doing . nothing that will stir up ill-will in America, and his vote on some issues concerning the Pacino will be guided largely by that consideration. Ho holds strong views, and is not afraid to express them. He has enthusiasm, eloquence, virility, and vivacity." The youngest member of the Conference—47—Mr Meighen was born on a farm in Ontario, of Ulster Presbyterian stock, and he made a groat name for himself at Toronto University. In 1913 ho became Solicitorgeneral, and he came to England as a member of tho Imperial Cabinet during the war. THE PRESENT SYSTEM AND THE LEAGUE OP NATIONS. The Morning Post is glad of the Premier’s assurances that there is no wish on the part of the British Government “to alter its organisation in a revolutionary w’ay.” and that the “British Empire is progressing very satisfactorily from a constitutional standpoint, ns well as in other ways,” because “a. good deal of harm has been done by » propaganda, very assiduously carried on. for giving the British Empire a sort of parliamentary basis, with an assembly and a senate on some sort of electoral basis. We can imagine nothing more calculated to disturb the good relations now existing between the various dominions and the Mother Country than such a proposal. In the first place, tho dominions are already—if we may coin a word —over-Parliamented. They have their State Parliaments and their Central Parliaments, and there is usually a very nice balance of powers between these two —of which both are jealous. To transfer powers from these Central Parliaments to a sort of super-Parliament would disturb that balance, and create all manner cf difficulties. We have at present a system which has gradually grown up under pressure of circumstances—a system of not very formal meetings, in which the heads of the various Governments cf the Empire meet upon equal terms and! discuss matters of interest to them all. There is no paper constitution, and no electoral machinery. It is not a perfect arrangement, but it works. We might contrast it with its rival, tho League of Nations, whirl) has a Council and an Assembly, and an elaborate constitution, obviously devised by people who do not trust one another. It is destined to break down at the first touch of reality, and exists only because there are so many people in England and elsewhere wlio delight in unreality. The advantage, then, of the Imperial Conference is that it has grown naturally upon practical lines, andl wo hope that it will continue to grow upon these lines and flourish long after tho League of Nations is forgotten.” EQUAL PARTNERS.

There was no ceremonial parade or picturesque formality at the opening of the conference, but despite this omission—perhaps because of it—the Daily Telegraph describes the gathering as impressive, since it represented the greatest aggregate of human beings ever associated in a single political combination. “The Prime Minister took the opportunity of reaffirming that full national status of the oversea States which has been • asserted in tho Covenant of the League of Nations, and which no respons---o politician in these islands would dispute for a moment. There is no question of subordination or inferiority; the Britannic nations are equal partners under the British Crown. Whether that partnership pan be conveniently strengthened by some constitutional adjustments is a question which tho present conference will not determine. It will bo fully occupied with tho discussion of important and definite topics on which joint action can bo taken under the present system, a League of Nations which stood the terrific impact of the World War will find no difficulty in working together for foreign policy and maritime defence and tho other objects that call for co-operation and co-ordination.” The Daily Chronicle sees focussed as tho two principal issues for tho present conference—tho problems of policy in relation to Japan and the United States, and tho problem of the Empire’s naval defence. “In fundamentals, we believe that the views of the dominions regarding them coincide with our own; and the need is for a practical discussion to shape the details of a policy and render our harmony efficacious.’^ OVERSEAS SETTLEMENT. The Leeds Mercury expresses the opinion that in many ways this conference will surpass in importance any of its predecessors. In the first place, the actual business before if, as a result of the problems accruing from the war, will bo more varied and weighty than these conferences have ever discussed before. “Doubtless tho Prime Ministers of Australia and New Zealand will have an interest of their own constituents to bring forward concerning the future of tho Pacific and Imperial naval policy. Those questions are important to Australasians, and properly engage the attention of Imperial statesmen. But they do not touch closely the real life and tmo interest of the people of this country. Our concern, if not just at this moment, in tho near future will be an outlet for employment and genuine settlement of British emigrants in the overseas dominions. It is a well-known fact that at present immigration is discouraged, if not almost stopped, by all the dominions. The only countries in which there is any scope are those for which it is practically an indispensable condition that the immigrant should have several thousand pounds of capital to start with. Generally speaking, real colonisation has come to a dead stop. At no distant date the tens of thousands who would like to cross the seas to found new homes will want to know how it is that they can no longer go out to settle upon homesteads, as was possible last century. That is a problem the politicians of the overseas States might well discuss with properly qualified representatives of this country, as it will soon lx> one of burning and really tragic importance.” Referring to Mr Lloyd George’s ill-health, the Leeds Mercury thinks it very regrettau.o that, in tiro event of the Premier’s absence, tSe Mother Country should be represented by Lord Curzon and Mr Churchill. "These gentlemen are both Imperialists of tho haughty, aggressive school. They may represent the militarist wing of the Coalition Government, but they are utterly divorced from the predominant “feeling of ‘the people of this country. Both aro identified with policies which tho people of England would reverse to-morrow if they c?uld. With such men representing us, it is not merely unlikely that tho real wishes of the English people will find expression nt the conference; it is improbable that the questions which'really touch the interests of the common people will even be broached.” A CRITICAL MOMENT.

The North-Eastern Daily Gazette (Middlesbrough) says that no previous gathering of the King’s advisers, direct and indirect, from nil the ends of the earth has ever taken place at so critical a moment. The war and the peace liavo changed ninny things; the history of the British people, the stage of political development now attained by its component sections, the present posture of world affairs, all drive on towards a decision, bo urgent, indeed, are existing circumstances that amidst them a refusal to advance lias the character of a fateful act. The immediate question is no less than: ‘ vVhat is tho nearer future of the human race to be; what shape shall Britain strive to give that futurehow shall she make her striving most effectual?”

“Of course, British Ministers have no wish to conduct the Imperial business as it was conducted BO years ago. When they invited the dominions to become signatories of the Vcrsp.illes Peace Treaty and to take their place in the Assembly of the League of Nations, they accepted the new nationhood which claims complete self-government inaido the Empire, and is bound also to exert a distinct influence without. Popularly, the war, with its common effort and common sacrifices, was expected to cement a unitary world state; it gave a transitory new life to tho old-fashioned jingoism of toe nr»t Ei tiling epoch. But the true aid ling consequences were something quit© other.

A PLEDGE OF WORLD PEACE. “ Great Britain must look forward to at least the possibility of another tremendous armed conflict 50 or 60 or 100 years hence. She cannot, foretell who will be her foreign friends or who her foreign enemies. If she were to subordinate her 1 policy to the intrigues of temporary Continental aseociates in order to purchase safely she would certainly pay the price, but could feel no assurance of receiving in the day of need the thing about. That way lies endless alarms, an inability to protect her dearest rights against an aggressive allied appetite, and under all pretences an ever-growing doubt at tho heart. The alternative is to build up during the years of peace a British Commonwealth too strong for any hostilo combination to anticipate its defeat, and too essentially pacific, through the restraining influence of its local diversity and its devotion to self-government, for it to provoke hostility. Before 1914 ' the British Empire was an offence to the Prussian philosopher, historian, statesman, and soldier, not because it was liberal, hut because he beheevd it to be weak, British Ministers compromised themselves in Europe because they also had their doubts about the Empires strength. When tho outer territories contain not half -tho home population, but double its number of active, intelligent, courageous white citizens ready to join their cousins in a skilfully co-ordinated defence against the assaults of any external enemy, the disturbing and fatal doubt will bo finally laid to rest. The newer commonwealth can. ,bo made a pledge of world poacft."