THOUGHTS OF EMPIRE

Otago Daily Times, Issue 17943, 24 May 1920, Page 8

THOUGHTS OF EMPIRE

DOMINIONS AND THE MOTHERLAND. IS CANADA DRIFTING- FROM THE FAMILY? At the Oversees Club on Saturday night Mr W. Downie Stewart, M.P., gave a striking address on certain aspeots of relationship, between tiio dominions and Great Britain. Gathering the threads of his argument together as he proceeded, Mr Stewart placed his conclusion before his audience in concrete shape. They were conclusions, moreover, which most cause the citizen who devotes any thought at all to affairs of state to think even more deeply. Mr R. S. Black occupied the chair. Mr Stewart said that there had been very little public discussion in New Zealand of the effect of the Peace Treaty on the selfgoverning dominions, and yet it was not open to question that the treaty and tho League of Nations would havo far-reaching effects on the destiny of New Zealand as well as on tho other dominions. Tho questions that arose affected not merely our relation to Britain, but to tho world at largo. Th? great danger was that they should regard these •problems as too remote' from their daily life to bo of any practical concern to them. They regarded them as matters of high State diplomacy, to bo dealt with by their rulers and statesmen at Imperial conferences and Defence Councils, but such an attitude was not fair to their representatives who were left in the dark as to what tho oleotors thought, s or whether they were thinking at all, on questions which might in tho end, provo of more vital importance than eiven tho cost of living, or profiteering, or the housing problem. Let him try first of all to restate very ■ briefly tho position they had reached BEFORE THE WAR. The: dominions had achieved sclf-gpvern-mont to so complete an extent that they ' ! were often described as independent nations, bound to Great Britain only by ties of race and sentiment. They had complete control of their domestio affairs to suoh an extent that Britain even allowed them to tax imports from Great Britain ,and to regulate immigration from other parts of the :. Empire. But they fell short of complete independence becajuse they had nejt yet acquired full sovereign rights in their re- , lations with tho outside world. They had no dontrol of foreign policy, and-although they: had responsible government, they could not "decide the most' responsible question of all, which wae the question of war and peace. In other words, they left to Great Britain the control of their foreign affairs, except in eo far as they had come to have a' consultative voice at the Imperial Conferences held every foil! , years. But as the dominions grew in population and trade, questions inevitably arose in- which their interests brought them into direct touch with OUTSIDE PROBLEMS, and into conflict with tho point of view of the British Foreign Office. As time went • on, it came to be seen that the dominions ' occupied a most anomalous position; they were : rapidly developing into nations, and yet they were under no responsibility for foreign affairs. Such steps ae they took ■■■ i for naval or land defence were voluntary, and the main burden of the cost of defending the Empire remained on the shoulders ■ of Groat Britain. The position of New :. Zealand was well _definedi some years ago by a writer, who said "Anxiety over external relations only weighs on New Zealand to the extent that sho desires. Does she wish to negotiate for herself, the Home Govern- : mem? does not stand in the way, and is content :to exercise a nominal control. Does ehe, on the contrary, want to leave the business .of negotiation to other more experienced hands, the British Government again slepe: in to tender her the support of its experience and prestige. This dominion is in fact a spoilt child which never suffers for ite sins, for a helping hand is always there to redeem ite faults." This happy position •' of . ' . i security without responsibility could only bo temporary. Those who thought out the ;real implication of the -' position, saw that one of two things must happen. Either the dominions must continue to develop their sense of nationhood and their determination to manage their external affairs to such an extent that they would become in fact as -well as in name independent States; or else some adequate provision must be made whereby th>3 dominions would take their share of the responsibility for foreign policy and of defending , tho Empire. Naturally the dominions repudiated ahy suggestion that they might be drifting towards a etate of independence. Their affection for and loyalty, to the Home Country seemed to preclude any possibility of such a rcsult, but in the case of one dominion atf least, and that the greatest of all, there_ was clear evidence that sho was approaching a stage where she would find, perhaps to her surprise, that she had broken from • her moorings and become an independent nation. What obscured the situation was the belief that the holding of Imperial conferences was a sufficient guarantee that the dominions and their interests would be safeguarded, and give them an adequate "voice in the control ' of foreign affairs. But as Lord Mil's ner had shown, any suoh idea was a com.plete delusion. No process of intermittent consultation could prove adequate in tho vast and complicated field of foreign affairs. Moreover, under any such system, the final decision and responsibility must rest with the British Cabinet, which only ; represented the British elector. • At the time when the war broke <Jut there were then TWO MAIN SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT on this" question. First, those who admitted that the present system woe full of anomalies', *nd indefensible in theory, but wio contended that in, practice it worked woll enough. In their view it was better to go 'on as they were doing; developing the Imperial conieiences, and not seeking to . tamper with so intricate and delicate a piece of machinery as the British! Empiro. The other school contended that if the unity of the Empire was to bo made saio and lasting, some body must be created fully representative of all parts of the Empire, and charged with tba responsibility of making a foreign policy which would harmonise, if possible, the needs and aspirations of all tho dominions and dependencies:. Such a body would also 'require to Etdjusfc properly the burden of defending the '. Empiro and to systematise, their defence policy. By this moans they would avoid the haphazard method in which, for example, somo dominions maintained their own navies, and somo contributed to the British navy, without any regard as to how these policies would harmoniso when tho strain came. Matters stood thus when tho groat war came, ■ and later tho peace, and v they might now ask themsolves what light they threw on the problem of Imperial unityv,, Fortunately the causes of tho war wero no'clear, and the existence of the Empire was so definitely at stake, that no difficulty-was experienced in securing united 1 and •ytfiole-hoarted action. The whole world : stood amazed at tho triumph of British ■ policy towards its dominions and dependencies. But tho war_ had a double effect; it not only gToatly intensified Imperial sentiment, "but it also intensifiod the GROWING SENSE OF NATIONALISM in each of the dominions. Each dominion wae proud of the part it played in the war, and tho sense of nationhood became more strongly developed. A Canadian prided himself more than over before on being a Canadian, and an Australian as boing known as an Australian. As Canada was the dominion in which this sense of nationhood had-bton most' strongly developed, he would quoto'ah'extract which would show now far this feeling has gone. Sir Charles Sifton, epeaking at Montreal in 1915, said: "Canada must now stand as a nation; it will no longer do for Canada to play the part of a minor. It will no longer do for Canadians to say that they are not fully and absolutely able to transact their own business. We ehall not bo allowed to do this any longer by the nations of the world. The nations ' Will say: 'If you can levy armies to make, war yon can attend to your own business, and we shall not bo referred to the head of the Empiro. Wβ want y<ra to answer our questions directly.'" The British Parliament was startled by the statement of one of the greatest men in Canada, who, in discussing Canada's services in tho war, said: "It is tiio last time Canada is gomz to do this : and England cannot count in future on tho splendid contribution of Canada to our armed forces if she does not take Canada more into her counsel and confidence." Sir George Perley said: 'I wish to say that it would bo impossible for me to got up on a platform in tho country which I have represented for 10 years, and

to p.rgue that Canada should do as sho is now doing for all timo, whenever war may come, without knowing beforehand and being consulted regarding tho questions at issue, wliich may make such a wiir neces* sury." These statements, gave serious food for reflection, as Canada was tho most populous nnd powerful of all the dominions, and they could not ignore utterances charged with so olear a meaning. t ßut the position was still more anomalous "when they considered TOE PEACE TREATY. The dominion delegates occupied a most curious position. They sat as equals with the British delegates, and yet they were also treated as part of the British Imperial Relegation. This was fortunate for them, because whon occasion required they could invoko tho whole' weight and prestige of the British Delegation, instead of appearing to represent small and insignificant Powers. Mr Egglestone, of Melbourne, who was on the Australian staff at Paris, has shown in startling fashion how puzzling and inconsistent tho whole procedure was: i'lrst o all Mr Lloyd Gcorgo absolutely ignored tho dominions when he made, tho armistice pgreement Then, to the astonishment of r.carly everybody, ho scoured for tho dominions indeperdent represenWtion. lncn lie loaves them to manage tb-ir case before the conference, r.iid, lastly, when tho crucial question of facial equality arises, ho places tho wholo weight of the British Empire at. tiio disposal of Mr Hughes." The net result has b.<or. to give the dominions a most equivocal ctatus. They have SIGNED OBLIGATIONS of the most far-reaching nature as if they weie independent Powers, without appearing to grasp the real significance of their aoticn. They heve guaranteed tho frontiers of many foreign States, and they are pledged to defend them if the. League of Nations demands it by foroe of arms. A uritcr in the Round Tablo pointed out that none of the dominions really grasped tlio extent of its obligations, or would hesitate to repudiate them at once if called on to fulfil them. Ho admitted that if Britain were threatened the dominions would come to her support, but though they had given a written obligation to Poland, they would not in practice mobilise a single man to defend Poland. Not only so, but they had since signed peace with Austria and with Bulgaria, although they took no part in arranging either of these treaties. Tho sarao applies to the peace with Turkey. All these negotiations might have , FAR-REACHING EFFECTS ON THE DOMINIONS, and yet they had taken 'no "share in the negotiations. So also in the League of Nations, they would sit in the body of delegates os high contracting parties. Out of theso strango proceedings ' innumerable problems arose, but they had aroused almost no discussion in New Zealand. Some time ago the Manchester Guardian said: "Littlo attention is being paid to the revolution that has taken' place in the unwritten constitution of the British Empire. The dominions have signed the Peace Treaty as individual nations. They have their separate vofros on the League of Nations Council. It ( is essential that the new status of the dominion, with all its far-reaching implications, should be fully considered and regularised in- tho eyes of the world." Hβ (tho speaker) had pointed out some of the effects that might flow from these facts in Parliament last year. Mr Massey, in replystated that the dominions had signed the treaty "not as independent nations in the ordinary sense, but ns nations within the Empire, or partners' in the Empire." But as tho Evening Post had pointed out, this was no explanation of the difficulty, but merely a restatement of it. It might bo quite true that New Zealand had r>6 intention of acting as an indeupendent Power, and there might be room for dispute among constitutional lawyers as to what the exact effect of their action was; but they had to renumber that foreign Powers might be guided by . THEIR ACTS AND NOT BY THEIR INTENTIONS. As a further illustration of how confused the whole position was becoming, they would have noticed a oable from Canada last week stating that Canada had ap. pointed a Minister to the United States, wna will hold a semi-diplomatic status, and would take full charge of British diplomacy' in tho United States during tho British Ambassador's absence. It was clear that if this Minister were appointed by Canada to control her foreign relations with America, Canadians would in effect have ceased to be British subjects, because the appointment of such a Minister was an act of sovereign power. Now they could not have citizens wno owed allegiance to two different States, and i the matter had been left as it stood Canadian subjects suffering grievances in America would have hnd to look to the Canadian Government alone for protection and redress The British Government nexWay dlfßculty ' and s0 the ? »™*e h explanation dL M?n°T Law '.^ ho «M that the Cana&fe?l r i7°?l d > accredited to the President br his Majesty, and that no departure -had taken place from the principle of the diplomatic} unity of the Brifeh Emall British subjects the control of their foreign relations must rest in the hands of one Government only. There was no reason, of course why his Majesty should not choose his ambassador to America from Canada or anywhere eLso in th o Empire, but it seemed clear that though this Minister was appointed by the King, the Canadian Government looked on him as their servant and accountable to them To see what confusion might result, they had onlv to suppose that South Africa, Australia and New Zealand also insisted on appointing an ambassador to America, nominally appointed by £he King, but really accountable to them. The Kin- could not act op. the conflicting advice that he might receive from all these different Ministers, and the position would grow more and more confused. There was an old maxim that the King can do no wrong," and this meant that thp King only acted on the rosponsible advice of his Ministers. If hie Ministers could not agree, he sent for another group of Ministers who hold the confidence of the House. So thai it was correct to say that ho did no wrong, for whatever he did, he did on the advico of a Cabinet which represented the majority for the timo being. This very neat and eimp'e arrangement had worked admirably in England in the past,, but in the future, what was to bo done if the Government of each dominion claimed the rfcht to advise him or to appoint ambassadors to foreign countries who should advise him? Whereover their _ interests clashed his position would be impossible. Now this was not a theoretical difficulty, for GENERAL SMUTS claimed that whoro South African interests were affected the King must act on the advice of "the South African Government, however much South African policy might conflict with the larger interests of the Empire. All these questions .showed how KTowingly_ urgent was tho need for somo body which could i harmonise tho interests of the different dominions, and secure common action in matters of foreign affairs, defence, and the like. It waa these facts and tho problems that flowed from them that rendered of such supreme importance tho monarchv and tihe prestigo that attached to it. _ Indeed, tho monarchy was the only institution which was holding tho .Empire together at present. Sydney Low had pointed out that the BOND OF EMPIRE was not tho Imperial Parliament, which tho legislatures of the dominions regarded with jealousy, nor the Imperial Cabinet, which they looked upon as only one of the many committees that administered tho selfgoverning portions of the Empire, but tho Throne as represented by tho Sovereign. Those who believed in republicanism, and who considered tho monarchy as aa effete survival from earlier times, were entirely ignorant of its true bearing on the maintenance of the Empire. Thoco was, as Mr Low says, no disposition on the part of tho colonies to strengthen their relation' with' the English Cabinet and Parliament; in fact, the* tendency was the other way. "Federation, if its numerous - difficulties could be surmounted, might sriye us a real Imperial Ministry and Council of State. In the meantime, tho fact remains that for administrative and political purposes the dominions are all but independent natione, linked to one another and to the other members of the Empiro by the personal union of tho Crown. THE KltfG IS THE HEAD of the Empire, and there is no other." It was a consideration of these facts which rendered of such immense significance tho visit of the Prince of Wales, more especially to Canada. Canadians would indignantly repudiate a suggestion that they were not loyal to the Throne, however much they might insist on independent action in man--aging their own affairs. Foreign observers wero constantly puzzled by thp fact that the people of the dominions, while they had an intense repugnance to plutocracy, wero ardent, in their devotion to tho monarchy. Of even greater importance was this fact in connection with dependencies such as India, where tho population had no conception of loyalty to a Parliament or to an institution, but only to a person. But tho problems he had mentioned earlier in tho evening still remained to be eolved, and were growing more urgent every day, Somo

moans could have to bo found for paving the Sovereign from receiving contradictory advice from different Cabinets in difforejit parts of rhe Empire. There was another di root ion in which tho dominions have been affected by Iho Peace Treaty. Tliat treaty, iis they wore aware, had brought a vast extension to the territory under tho control of tho Empire—in Africa, Egypt, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and other parts of the Noar East, ns woll as in tho islands of tho Pacific. Tins extrusion was not. desired by Britain, nnd Jho?o critica who assorted that she entered tho war to gain territory took a very SUPERFICIAL VIEW of the situation. Britain did not, want more territory. Her burden was already sufficiently groat, and it waa only becauso no one olsij could bo found to tako up the responsibility that the task was thrown on nor. Britain was an old nation, full oi wisdom and experience, and young nations like could not understand the reluctance with v which Britain took on each fresh task. But what was most remarkable was not the enormous area placed under her charge, but the method adopted for administering it. Nothing could better illustrate the wisdom and sagacity of the British statesmen at tho Peace Conference than their steady refusal to acquiesce in the desire of Australia and New Zealand to annex ISLANDS IN THE PACIFIC. Tho British and Americans saw that to agree to this would only be to create fresh problems of enormous difficulty. Britain saw that if annexation wero allowed, and grout colonies went to States liko Fiance, which maintained a.n exclusive mercantile policy, there would bo no oj>nn door for trade. To that extent, of course, sho was prompted by self-interest in preventing her own donjjnions from annexation. She also saw very clearly that if annexation were allowed tho territories might be used for military purposes. She could not allow great European ■ Powers to use the conquered territory of Germany for building up great centres of military power in Africa and elsewhere; to do so would intensify her own problem of defence. Moreover, had the dominions been allowed to establish the PRINCIPLE OF ANNEXATION Tn tho small islands of tho i'acihe, other Jfbwera would have insisted on u sirmiax right in Atrica and Asia, where a population amounting to millions would havo been involved, and also to Europe, wJbaro fresh conflicts of nationality would havo arisen. With equal firmness eho turned down the principle of international administration, oi the German colonies. Her own previous experißiKo of the condominium in the Now Hebrides and in the Congo had proved how hopeless this system was. With that practical common sense which marked the conduct of her affairs, sho thereforo stood for a now system known as the mandatory system, .which was really (putting in concrete form tho eld principle of trusteeship, the spirit of which she had recognised in her administration of India and other groat dependencies. There were various olasses of mandates drawn up to suit the state of development reached by tho country to be governed. In the Pacifio Islands, Australia, and New Zealand wore allowed t administer them as parts of their own territory, subject to certain conditions in favour of the native population, and preventing their use for military aggression. The dominions are responsible to the League of Nations for their proper administration. The real value of this • system was that it gave Britain a. reasonable EXCUSE FOR REFUSING JAPAN the right to annex tho islands in tho Marshall, Carolina, and Ladrone groups, which she had been ■•allowed to occupy during the war. These islands would havo served as half-way houses to Australia if Japan had been allowed to fortify them. The ■islands which Australia and New Zealand had taken control of might not be of much use to them fom a commercial point of view, as tlwy had plenty territory of their pwn to develop, but it prevented them from being used as strategic bases "by other Powers. In conclusion , the speaker said ho had only touched tire fringe of the questions arising out of the Peace /Treaty, but sufficient had been said to indicate how far-reaching the problem was. They had seen that there wero forces at work which were tending towards disu;tesrratdon, and which wore only kept in abeyance by the sentiment of attachment to tba throne. But unless they took warning , in time the position migh alter beyond any possibility of return. They in New Zealand were so email and dependent on the help of Britain that the problem seemed to them remote and unreal. But if Canada, through a sense of her self-sufficiency and safety, were to drift apart they would be vitally affected by the weakening of the Empire. It was said that in the sea .their; was a large fish which was fo short-sighted that it had to be guided on its course by a small pilot fi=h, which always accompanies it. Mir , ' they not say in this case that New Zealand could act as the pilot fish to Canada and keep her from following a course that might prove dangerous.—(Loud applause.) On tho motion of the president of the club (Mr A:, E. Ueherwood), seconded by Mr Ecclos, a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Downie Stewart for his address wae carried with loud applause. A concert nrotrrammo was then snbmirtrd, to which the following contributed— Misses V. Bap'ey. J. and B. Baird, .7. M'Nee. W. Smaill, G. Pinfold, nnd K. Aslm. and Missrs Dunsford. Dumsday, and I and R. Barth presented a clever comedietta. At an "interval in the concert refreshments were handed round.