"TREKKING TOWARDS NATIONALISM."

Otago Daily Times, Issue 11993, 16 March 1901, Page 3

"TREKKING TOWARDS NATIONALISM."

A" meeting of the Dunedin Fabian Society was held at the Y.W.C.A. Hall.last night. Hr A; E. Barclay, vice-president, occupied the chair, and there was a moderate attendance. The Hon. TV. M. Bolt gave an address on "Trekking Towards Nationalism." He said: Nationalism has been said to mean "tho logical outworking and development of the germinal idea of a nation, which is that of 'a union of people for tho purpose of using the collective power to promote the common welfare," and, further, " that this conception of a nation, though at first expressed only by the use of collective power for military and, judicial purposes, logically involved when it should be necessary for the common welfare a national organisation of industry on the basis of a common obligation of service and a general guarantee of livelihood." For present purposes, I accept that definition. In' respect to the word "trekking," it is a comparatively new word in our vocabulary. No distinct meaning of it has, so far as I am aware, been registered in any dictionary, but "to-my mind it gathers up the conception of a devioue and uncertain journey through a country little known and towards a. goal not very clearly localised. I think that very fairly represents the advance we are making towards that new form of social life the future has in store for us. We are not going straight. Inherited bia6, self-interest, questions of national or international import frequently opeTate in such a way as to deflect us from the true course. Notwithstanding this, a general survey of the progress made during the Inst hundred 3-ears would seem to indicate that wo are heading towards a form of national life such;as I have defined under, the , term "Nationalism." In making this survey one is? bound to tnke into account the t,wo killing phases of national action: the industrial and the political. How have these been modified and in what direction during the time named? One , hundred years ago Industrialism, com-, pared with what it is to-day, was a weak and puny growth, with little science, little enterprise.'and less organisation. The cotton industry was just beginning to awaken under the impulse of the new machinery, but the woollen industry was carried on bv mechanical appliances but little different from that used by. tbe ancient world. The npindle and .the distaff held their positions in the manufacturing world from tho dim ages of the Pharaohs down to the time of George the Third, when the spinning wheel was introduced. For SO years it is said this wheel was looked on as "a marvellous triumph of inventive genius. ' when italso was superseded by the spinning frame dviven by water or steam. Socially it was a time Qf grinding uoverty, of cruelty, crime, ond ignorance, biich as we nan barely conceive. It. is recorded that in the j-ear 1318 40 per cent, of the men and GO pei ; cent, of (he women in the manufacturing districts of England were unable to write their own names, and a few years before that time the public and private schools numbered some 3300 only. The political power on the other hand was both active Mid aggressive, but it was pervaded by a- corrupt and evil genius and almost completely controlled by the so-called nobility of ,tlie day. It is stated that two-thirds of. the House of Commons were appointed by peers or other influential nersons. Every great nobleman had a number of seats at his unquestioned disposal. The Duke of Norfolk owntid 11 members. Lord Lonsdale owned pine, the Duke ot Rutland six, and sq on. Some 300 members, it was estimated, were returned by 160 persone. Whole districts bereft of population were yet represented in Parliament, while populous cities had no representation at all. Surely with our organised industries, our State-regulated,factories, om systems of national education, and our free Parliaments, based on adult representation, wb are a long way from these bud ntd times What has been the main factor in the change? In two great and imnortant aspects the modern industrial world differs from all other industrial periods in the history of the racer In looking around the world to-dnv the fiut thing that is forced on our attention is the activity and universalitvof the scientific pnirit, And the second thing we notice is the magnitude of wealth-producing operations, accompanied by enormous riches bpaped up in everv corner of the globe where tlij's scientific spirit has heen in active oneratinn. ; It is t'us men'd force, the strength of which it is impossible to measure, and the direction of which it is difficult to determine, which is shaping and influeneine the u'vpk and the fortunes of the nations. I have said the direction of this force is difficult to determine. Whither it is ouiding us, with what knowledge and power it may yet endow- us, or what social or political changes it may yet bold m store tor us, are questions the most far-sighted amoner us can barely guess at. And yet we nri> nnt wholly at a loss to know l'ow-.tjie world is moving a,t,the present .time, "We can'at any rate'nnt'o (lie course travelled since the scientific inventnr destroyed the cottage industries of the United Kingdom, and in thei* - places reared the mill , and the factory. The individualistic philosophy reigned supreme in those days. A long period of misrule had created a loathing in the public roind againnt. Governments, tind nil government action, local or general. The State was viewed a? a taxing, oppressing power, standing outside and apart from the people—a power the every action of which it'was the duty of every man to distrust or combat as being; inimical to the public welfare. " Individual freedom " wns the watchword, oi rather the catchword, which the B'itish workman igporantly shouted, while fetters ot a new industrial lyrannvwere being riveted on him. Tn the name of Liberty thfl wholo field of industrial enterprise was handed over to the capitalist to exploit as be might without let or hindrance, and as ft.result life became a tumultuous scramble for individual gain, With the aid of the inventor and all that his teeming brain could produce, modern capitalism started on its mission. Under the impulse of machinery production was prodigiously increased, a vast. colonial empire was built up, and a foreign trade of gigantic proportions was pushed into every quarter of the world. Every succeeding yeat has seen operations carried on on a ecale of ever-increnßin!; magnitude. The prirale employer has been largely superseded by the board of directors: the mill and the factory reared at tl'e bidding of Arkwright and Stevenson have disappeared; small firms have been'purchased out. or pushed to the wall; trusts, companies, and trading corporations have been consolidated into fit ill larger concerns, until now we find great pools of European and American capital being massed togetliei for controlling the trading and industrial operations of the world. (The speaker proceeded to quote figures showing the extent of the operations of some of the larger American trusts, and then went on to say): We aro now a long way from the handloom and the spinning wheel. These were at once the symbols and appropriate furniture of an indivjdualistie social stale, and so long as they remained the doctrine of indiyidualiem was a logical quantity, but with iMv disappearance the doom of that theory of social life wa« sealed. The scientific inventor has not only changed the social order in almost every aspect of life, ho has also undermined and finally exploded a system of thought which, in economics, found its highest expression in cottage industrial life, and in morals, the motive for all human action in the selfi-h instincts of man. Tbe capitalistic, system is thus a product of false morals and falfe economics, and yet who shallsay we have not progressed under it? In the sphere of pnysical science it has produced great ideasy which have been translated irito forms of useful enerey. It worships power;, and in the struggle through which it , has passed it has laid hold on the forces of Nature and set them to labour. It has drawn knowledge from almost every source, afid has taught the world valuable lcßsona in organising, equipping, and controlling whole provinces of labour. Capitalism, in short, has taught the world in many respects how to conduct a Socialistic state; and its knowledge" and organising faculty.. like its other pioducte. are for sale. Like lettuce, they can be bought in the market any day. What, now, has been the attitude of the State amid this gradual consolidation of industrial forces? Stands tho State in the conception of the people where it stood in George the Third's time? The, accepted theory of society at that time was that of a nation of individual competitors. Each man and woman had individually to work out his own salvation, and tW theory regarding the State was that of a pnwer whose chief function it was to stand . guard over the contestants and see that the strongest had all the advantages secured to him which he had won in the fight. This is

hardly the view now. A national system of oducation, an extension of.political rights and privileges, and that general enlightenment which always accompanies progress in scientific inquiry, together with that growth of the humanitarian spirit eo marked'in these latter years, have all combined . to work great changes'in our political views. Indeed, the whole political machinery has been radically changed, and a new order of ideas has been introduced into both State Parliaments and local assemblies. The fi>t thU spirit was seen in the statutes limiting the hours of child labour. Other ameliorating legislation followed, and, after a tune, it was found expsdient that the State should undertake the duty of instructing the young. That the action of the State in the matter of jducation was beneficial to the people was generally recognised,' and soon the question wab asked why the action of the State should stop nt the Echool door. The well-being of the people, no matter whether they are children or adulb, should be the first consideration of Government, and.no. nrivate interest or vested rightb should be allowed to interfore with this , primary duty of the State. When this conception of State duty was reached, we took the. first decisive step towards Nationalism. Science also contributed to push the State into the industrial arena, Under the im'pulso of the new machinery new cities were built , and old ones enlarged. -YThese had to '.he lighted, drained, and provided with pure-water. At first the .capitalist who sat at the Municipal Board generously offered to provide these, but as time passed on and the democratic spirit strengthened his influence waned, and citizens began to undertake those works for themselves. It is unnecessary to make any lengthy reference to the , works now being carriod out in the interest of the jr. respective.communities by municipal bodies in the United Kingdom and elsewhore; In addition to such public utilities as lighting, drainage, water supply, , and street locomotion, we have baths, washhouses, parks, markets, and . abattoirs; Wo'' have also libraries and night /schools, eating houses, lodging housos, and dwelling houses all owned and controlled by municipalities. Some city corporations aro becoming landlords on a moat extensive scale. The narrow alloys and slums, memorials of landlord greed, are being swept away, and ample streets with modern buildings nut in their places. At the present iima the London County Council, in addition to what it has already done, is providing homes for 40,000 people, built on the most approved sanitary principles, and at a cost of £1,500,000. _ In a late number, of tho " Journal of Political Economy" Professor Allon, in alluding to the British Parliamentary Committee's report on municipal trading, Bays: "It' is startling to see to what degree Socialism has in practice supplanted individualism, despite tho continual rcaffirmation in Britain .of individualistic' theories. There are 265 municipalities engaged in productive Undertakings, distributed throughout England and Wales, from Southampton to Carlisle In Scotland there are , 7l That is 339 out of 749, or not far from half the municipalities carrying on industry. To these should be added the scores of towns and rural districts supplied by the municipal trading companies." The capital involved in these municipal .undertakings is stated to be about £100,000,000, and "the annual oxpondituro authorised by Parliament and the Local Government Board has increased from an averago of 25,000,000d0l in 1890 to 195,000,000d0l in 1899. Nor is ; this movement confined to England and Scotland. On all sides throughout tho civilised world we seo this corporate activity for public ends going on, and with ever-increasing energy. It is a development of recent years, and in the success which has invariably attended it wo find ample testimony- to the great advantages which accrue to a community working on socialistic lines. It must be borne in mind, however, that municipal bodies are only a part of the socialising machinery that is undermining the old and laying the foundation of the now order of things. Apart from these institutions, we have boards, trusts, and societies, constituted by law to carry out certain public functions, every ono of which is intended to meet some public want, to guard some public interest, or enter on some new enterprise for public benefit. Nor are thoift socialising activities confined to the towns. The country, in other lands as well ns our own, is coming in for a large share of State.or local government works of public utility—works owned and controlled by the local or. general authority. In India, in Egypt, and in.several countries of Europe enormous works are being carried out by fh<i' governing body for the public welfare. In the interests of agriculture immense reservoirs are being constructed, and .the waters of rivers, stopped in their the sea, -are spread in fertilising sfreanie over hundreds of miles of arid territory. In. the,interests of, commerce continents are being v cut in halves, inland canals and locks of great magnitude arc being constructed, ocean cables for telegraphic communication are being laid bejsween. distant continents by the joint action of several Governments, while a huge priyate monopoly is being ousted from its position in order to make a free field for tho rt?W venture, . And, while I am writing, the news arrives that the first Federal Government of the Commonwealth of Australia proposes to carry out what will probably rank as tho greatest socialistic work since the days of the Incae,' It has decided that the land on which the new Federal capital is to be built shall bo piircliaeed by tbe Government at present value, and shall be retained as a national estate (or the benefit of the Commonwealth. No more statesmanlike iict, or one more in accord with the aspirations of modern liberalism, can be imagined. Should this national endowment be of sufficient area to include the suburban settlement which will undoubtedly cluster round the capital, and should future legislation of the Commonwealth proceed on similarly enlightenod lines, it will not only be a privilege, but an honour, to belong to it. Our land legislation in this colony is of an antiquated order. The utmost we can boast of in the way of liberal land laws are leases .which run for a millennium of years, with unchangeable rentals based on present values. It is. very significant that when'the socialistic legislation of this colony is referred to this hybrid enactment is left out of the cdunt. (The' speaker went on to refer to the tendency of legislation in this colony for several years past, and pointed out that it had, been to raise the State as n great factor in our industrial operations. He then proceeded to Bay): From what has been said,, it will be seen that private enterprise as. understood 00 years ago is all but dead. The competitive fight is ' not now between * persons, but between powerful trusts and. syndicates. Who comes off victor in those combats is of no consequence to the groat body of the people. Many I years ago Louis Blanc pointed out that ail competition leads to monopoly, and the new democracy, recognising this, /declares that every monopoly must belong to tho Stale. But the new demoeraej!. goes farther than this, The wits of the men and women of the present day havo been sharpened by inheritance and contact with a[ century of commercial warfare; and apart from the question of monopoly they now sjmply ask, in the true spirit of commerce, if State ownership and control in certain undertakings will pay. If it will pay, that of itself is deemed to be a sufficient reason why it should be undertaken. In mafcing things pay there is no doubt the State has an Enormous advantage over private enterprise. Again, modern machinery and productive appliances are now on a scale of such magnitude as to render organisation for productive ends imperative. Along with this large capital, special knowledge and the power to combat or exclude unfair competition are also required to insure success. In all these the State is aupreme. As an organI'isor.it has no equal; its capital is ample, its knowledge is gathered from many sources and of tho first order, and ite power to protect is undoubted. Yet another thing k wanted, and that is men of high character in the Executive Government.- Aβ State functions increase, so of necessity will havo to increase the-moral standard of our public men. This, however, should present no difficulty. Tho electors of this colony should be quite as capable to select worthy.men to manage State business as the shareholders, of a joint stoclo company to elect a board of directors. There is one thing, to my mind, will have to be done to ensure that success and efficiency in State action we all desire, and that is the abolition of the party system. As the functions of Government increase this change will be rendered more and more imperative. With that accomplished there are no difficulties I which besot a State in carrying out an inI dustrial enterprise which do not equally apply to trusts and trading companies. To those who look for the amelioration of social conditions from State action the future is full of hope. The aphorism " Trust the people " should be changed to " Truet the State," " Remember," eaye Mathew Arnold, " not State action in itself but State action exercised by a hostile class it is that ought to be deprecated," The words of Frederick Harrison will do to close with. "Look to the State," says Mr Harrison. " From that you expect the highest experience and skill, publicity, concentration of power, real and efficient control, a national aim and spirit, and far more true responsibility."