THE FASHODA INCIDENT.

Otago Daily Times, Issue 11277, 22 November 1898, Page 6

THE FASHODA INCIDENT.

IRRITATION IN FRANCE,

ENGLAND RESOLUTE.

(Fhom.Our Own Coerespondent.)

LONDON, October 14. The current week has witnessed some remarkable developments in the present most critical international situation.

In ' the first place, the British Government published on Monday-a special Blue Book setting forth all information and particulars relative to the Fashoda affair up to the latest dates. A more resolute and .uncompromising cjocument has > seldom seen the light. It skims the very edge of ari-'ultimatum without absolutely crossing the rubicon. lividently Lord Salisbury was'determined that no, doubt should exist on this occasion as to his meaning or im tent.ious, especially as to his fixed, resolution to.maintain unwavering firmness. The salient features will'be'-found in the following extracts from the various despatches. They are pregnant, with the deepest'and most serious meaning, and deserve very careful and attentive perusal :'— Sir B.' Mohson to M. Hanotaux, December 10. : The other point to which it is necessary to advert is the proposed recognition of the French claiiri' to: the northern and eastern shores of Lake Chad. If other 'questions are adjusted. her.Majesty's Government will make no difficulty nboui this condition. But in doing so they cannot forget that the possession of this territory may, in the future, open up a road to the'Nile, smd'thcy must not be understood to. admit that any.other European.Power than Great Britain has any claim •to occupy any part, of'the valley of tho Nile. The views of the British Government upon this matter were plainly stated in Parliament by Sir Edward Grey seme years ago during the administration of-tho Earl of. Rosebery, and were formally communicated to the French Government at , the 'time. Her Majesty's present Government i entirely, adheres to the language that was on this occasion employed by their predecessors. I ... Lord Salisbury to Lord Crpmer, i'■ . : August 2, 189S. .''lt is desirable that you should be placed in possession of the views of her Majesty's Government'in respect of the line of action to bo followed in the;event, of Khartoum being occupied at an early date by the foreeß now operating in the Soudan under the command of Sir Herbert Kitchener. '.■ \_ Her Majesty's Government do not contemplate' that after the occupation; of Khartoum any. further military operations on. a large scale, or involving any considerable expense, will be undertaken for the occupation of the provinces . to the south. But the Sirdar, is authorised to send two flotillas—one up the White and the other up the'Blue Nile. You are authorised to settle.the. composition of thse two forces in consultation with the Sirdar. ; ■ Sir Herbert Kitchener should in person command the.White Nile flotilla as far as Fashoda, and'rnay take with him a small body of British troops, should you .concur with him in thinking such a course desirable. rhe officer in command of the Blue Nile flotilla,is authorised to "o as far as the, foot of the cataract, which is believed to ■comrnence about.. Roseires. He is not'to land troops with-a view to marcmng beyond the point on tho. river navigable for steamer's.., Should he before reaching Roseires ' encounter1' any Abyssinian outposts he is to halt, report, the circumstance, and wait for further instructions. . . :_■■■ \ . . Iri dealing with, any French or Abyssinian authorities who may be encountered, nothing should'bo said or done which would-in any wav imply a recognition on behalf of her Majesty's .Government of a title to possession ■on behalf of France or Abyssinia to any portion of the Nile Valley. ."■ „ '■ . ■ "'"lOT OPEN TO DISCUSSION. ■'■■'•' Lord Salisbury to Sir B. Monson, •-. '-.-■ September 9, 1898. . . If M. Mcasse should revert to this subject Ire-nest you to point out to him that, by the ■mS&£ events of last week all the territories which v/ere subject to'the Khalifa passed by i ?>ht- of-conquest to the. British and Egyptian ! Governments.. Her Majesty's Government do not consider that this right is open to disou»Uon, but they would be prepared to deal m the .manner suggested,by his Excellency with any territorial .controversies now. existing »' r,e^. to those regions which are not affected.bj- this .""^SSIiMOVB SITUATION; NO COMMOMM." 'hat her. Majesty's Government are determined to hold to the decision already announeed to y™ It was right that I should state to him rel- but having long ago given a. warning,. 1 / could not see how we could now cause surprise if we resent a.step which we had cautioned 0 the Essential points of our conversation, which was conducted on both sides with perfect calmness. ■' '~ ■■ AS CLEAR AS COULD BE EXPRESSED IN WORDS. , Supplementing the above' telegram. Sir fc. ilonson wrote on September 22: I told him as emphatically as I could that I looked upon the situation at Fashoda, if M. Marcband had occupied that town, as very serious, inasmuch as her Majesty's Government would certainly not acquiesce in his remaining there nor would "they consent to relinquishing the claims ot. E-vpt to the restoration of all the country, lat■'terly subject to the Khalifa, which had heretofore -been a portion of her territory. I felt it to be my duty, 1 said, to speak with extreme frankness, and to assume him that on tins point no compromise, would be possible. M. Deleasse listened to me .with grave attention, but his reply was chiefly to the effect that if-the-two Governments discussed the matter with calmness and a sincere desire to avoid a conflict, there could be no doubt of our _ arriving at a. peaceable and satisfactory solution. France does not desire'a quarrel. In saying this he could speak with absolute certainty. .All his colleagues in the Government are, 4ike himself, anxious for good relations with Eng land. If this anxiety is reciprocated .on the other side of the Channel (and the tone of the English press inspires him with doubts of this), there can be no danger. I replied that her Majesty's Government have no desire .to pick a quarrel with.France, but that nothing would be gained by my concealing from him the gravity of .the situation as I regarded it, or the fixed determination of her Majesty's Government to vindicate claims of the. absolute, justice; of which they hold that there can be no question. :I, of course, avoided; the use of any expression which might sound like a menace; but, short of this, I did my best to make my declaration of the impossibility of the French being allowed to remain .at Fashoda. as clear and-dis-tinct as could be expressed in words." From all quarters come cordial approval of Lord Salisbury's attitude. There is no- ; thing like bluster or jingoism, but simply i -.-. calm, resolute'assurance that the Premier ! has the entire nation at his back on this j Fr-shoda question; that the one thing which i.,rill not be forgiven him is any weakness !or .vacillation, or " graceful concession" j concerning the matter. By writers of all I sides of political feeling he is adjured to stand firm and assured that if he does so the country will back him thoroughly. But _ regret was expressed by several writers (that the leaders of the Opposition party were.silent at such a crisis. Lord Rosebery; having been virtually thrown over t^v his party and superseded in its leadership by Sir William Harcourt, might not unreasonably have waited for his super- ''■■ cessor to take the first plunge into the troubled waters. Possibly Sir William Harcourt feared to move on the patriotic side in the face of "Labby's" strenuously expressed, disapproval. At any rate he held his tongue. 'But on; the second day Lord Rosebery spake. I have never hesitated to express my admiration for Lord Rosebery as a speaker. To me he is always delightful to listen to. "t n-o-'i!' 1 lwve siren much

to hear his speech of. Wednesday evening. It was delivered on no very grand occasion, merely at the annual banquet of the Surrey Agricultural Association, held at Epsom. But the- greatness of the speech—and, indeed, of the speaker—made the occasion history. Seldom, if ever, has a more admirable and dignified warning been given ti a foreign nation besotted with chauvinism. '.It was perfect alike in its sentiments and in their expression. Next morning the whole British nation simply " rose at" Lord Rosebery and cheered him to the echo. If Lord Salisbury were to weaken , M iv—which nobody really believes probable—Rosebery would be recalled to power by the voice of the united-British people. But he has so powerfully, so nobly, aided the Government by strengthening their hands to an immeasurably vast extent at this crisis that there is no conceivable alternative but to "see the.thing .through." England will not listen for a moment" to the possibility of any other course being even thought of. There can be no mistake as to the deadly earnestness of England, in the matter. All recognise that the time has come at last to" make a resolute stand and to fight, if needs be, for our rights. .We are all ready. Nothing that can be thought of has been neglected in preparation, and if the French really want a war they will-get it—in lots! But all of us hope and pray most earnestly that such a " ci-ime against civilisation" as an Anglo-French war—especially for what is such a manifest and indefensible ab-. surdity as. this preposterous intrusion at Fashoda will oe averted. Nevertheless, it 'will not be safe to shut our eyes to the extreme peril of the situation. Here we have Paris packed with troops eager for action, and for an opportunity of striking a blow against the Ministry which has sanctioned "revision" in the Dreyfus case, and so has " insulted the army." Here we have ii weak French Ministry, trembling before the threat of the gang of military scoundrels who organised and carried out the infamous plot against Dreyfus, and supported it with reckless forgery and murder., ; Thirdly, we have in Paris a bitter and clamorous " yellow press, bent on urging the Government to extremities. Is it not in the slightest degree probable that the shaking French Ministry may yield to the shrieking voice of the army and the press? ■ Heave.n grant that it might nc>s be' so! But the danger is indeed most imminent. . ■

Before these lines reach you the crisis may be over, or it may have developed into the still graver crisis of war. Whatever may happen, I earnestly trust that New Zealand will not be taken unawares. There have been warnings'enough and to spare.