VICTORIA AND LINCOLN

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1651, 21 October 1903, Page 54

VICTORIA AND LINCOLN

(Written specially for “N.Z. Mail’'by Col. Geo. W. Bell, presently of Wellington.)

In the written records of the worlds doings, the names of Victoria and Lincoln are rarely linked together, but in the silent forces that gave form to some of the most momentous events, their efforts became one, in the immeasurable benefactions of the race. In November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected, and on March 4, 1861, he was inaugurated as President of the United States. This elevation of an obscure man proved a happy accident. Perhaps never in the history of tho world were stupendous responsibilities cast upon a nian, whose past career gave less hope for future greatness, but never was a faltering hope mo-re thoroughly vindicated. But the gravity of the situation in which Abranam - Lincoln was placed on assuming the Presidency, was immeasurably augmented by the absolutely chaotic .condition 'of the public mind and conscience at that critical juncture. .While Mr Lincoln had been constitutionally elected by that mon’umental absurdity, the “Electrical College,” his support was sectional, from a section party, and included hardly moie than a third of the votes cast. At vember election, thoro were 4Ji&3, <. votes cast, of which but 1,866,452 were cast for Mr- Lincoln as the candidate ot the united Republican party, while tor the two candidates of the d sainted democratic party, there were 2,224,600, and for the “American party” there were 590,000 votes case, so that Mr Lincoln was a minority President by about a million votes. But worse, he failed to secure a majority even in the non-seceed-ing States, so that, though constitution- i ally elected, he occupied the most delicate position, being not only a sectional, but a minority President. The slave-holding aristocracy or the South with its military instincts and its disdain for the callous-banded moneymaking North, even before- Mr Lincoln s election, had prepared for lananching the secession movement, and before Lincoln's inauguration, the Southern Republic had been formally proclaimed, with Jefferson Davis as its President. The total army of the United States at that time was hardly more than 20 000 men: the annual revenues were little more than £-6,000,000; the North was quite unanimously averse to war; jnany. of tho ablest men denied the right of coercion,” and so utterly shattered, divided or paralysed was the public sentiment in the North, that even Now York showed an inclination to join with the South. Mr Lincoln’s Cabinet was constructed on tho vile compact of place-hunters, not one of his Ministers sharing his views regarding the “pressing present, and the experienced General S-eo-tt- doubted the propriety of carrying out his wishes, but with a firm faith that with a sober second thought, spurred by the insolence of the South, or by an overt act, tho pat riot-ism of the North would be aroused, he waited calmly THE RIPENING OF “COMING EVENTS.” About tho Ist of April, the experienced and impatient Seward, the late leading candidate for the Presidency, and then Sucre cary of State, weary of Mr Lincoln’s silence and inaction, courageously offered to take over the entire management of affairs, and in his memo, he suggested a foreign policy tn&t must almost invariably have pi urged the country into a foreign war, possibly with two- or. three great- powers. Such a policy Mr Seward was not alone in believing would hastily reunite ojur people. On this occasion Abraham Lincoln showed not only iris entire independence, his skill, and his firmness, but an insinuating gentleness in argumentation that led him triumphantly through some of the most complex difficulties that ever confronted an untried man. The relations between America and Spain, at that time, were unsatisfactory ; Napoleon longed for an opportunity to busy giddy minds with foreign broils, and the imaginative South found many reasons for confidently expecting British sympathy. Under these shadows, without- aid, sympathy or advice, without a single friendly confident, Abraham Lincoln stood alone, but lie silently determined to save tho Union, and to save it, if possible, without risking the additional horrors of a foreign war. On April 6, 1861, Mr Lin,coin oraered. preparations for the relief of Ft. Sumpter. On the 12th, Beauregard opened lire on the work's, and on the morning of tho 13th Major Anderson surrendered. The “overt act” 'had been committed, the popular pulse of the North was quickened, and with more light turned on, new plans were laid for the future. Two days later, seventy-five thousand men were called fo-r three months’ service, and the South hurried preparations for the conflict; but the Cabinet was still unsympathetic, tho politicians still wrangled, and the North, while excited, hoped and doubted, and hesitated. The international unrest was aceeii'pated by the industrial situation. In the Nor tig corn, and in. tho South, cotton, was “king.” Britain needed both, but peace or war, corn would fl w L o a foreign market, while with the South-

ern porta blockaded, the cotton of the South, so important a factor in British industry, would be an alarmingly doubtful quantity. To the whole industrial world the situation was a grave one.

Well, on May 13th, just a. month after the surrender of Sumpter, before there had been a battle or even a skirmish, and bofo-re the North fully realised that war was inevitable, Britain, with cool formality, proclaimed her “neutrality,” thus recognising the “beligerancy” of the revolting States. This “nasty action” filled the South with extravagant hopes,, but it profoundly irritated and angered the hesitating and peace-loving North. It was regarded as an unreasonably premature expression of preference or partiality in American affairs, for it had still been hoped that some compromise between the sections would be effected, or that at lease an evidence of determination to preserve the Union, or a brief campaign would end the revolt. In the FIRST BLAZE OF PASSION there were hundreds and thousands of men in the North who, though not yet ready to fight their brothers in the South, were quite ready, even anxious, to fight Britain, for what they characterised as her “tc-o previousness in our affairs.” Seward was quite ready for such an emergency, and he hastily prepared a despatch fo-r the guidance of Mr Adams, the then United States Minister afc St. James, setting forth the American side of the case-. Mr Seward was a lawyer, a ripe scholar, an experienced Statesman and diplomat, and he possessed a masterly skill in the use of the “Queen’s Engi sh.” Ho stated his case fully, cleariy and logically, and with unequivocal suggestions as to the probable con sequences or possible contingencies. Mr Seward, with an. Air of confidence, presented his despatch to Mr Lincoln for his approval. The President was not in a hurry. He went carefully through the several pages, he “studied the case out” by his own methods, he reasoned from the other fellows’ standpoint, and he meditated over the possible effects of the despatch before ham. He put himslf in the others’ place—as was his custom in all momentous affairs. The despatch as written failed to satisfy him. It was long, laboured, logical aind scholarly, butTib was strongly seasoned with an illconsidered resentment that Mr Lincoln saw would justify irritation, and endanger the friendly relations between the two countries, if, indeed, it would not lead to early war. Mr Lincoln said, “Let us banish all resentment, let us only ask, but confidently expect, fanplay”; and he patiencly, carefully and skillfully, but mercilessly, erased, pruned and interlined Mr Seward s despatch, until little remained, but a cairn, dispassionate and business-like statement of the case, with every non-essential waived, and no demands made, save those dictated by justice, with a rational regard for the feelings of the people of a friendly power. The despatch did its work. It soothed the feelings of statesmen, it was mildly praised by the British Press, and it inspired tho respect and confidence of the British people. Because of lhs love of justice, Ins absence of animosity, his deep-seated aversion to war, and his respeco for the feelings of others, this untried man. in this critical beginning, proved himself A MASTER IN DIPLOMACY. Subsequent events indicated that the revered Victoria had been deeply touched by the gentleness, the candor, the simplicity and the friendliness of the American President, in this delicate matter.

Rut a more startling drama was soon to bo hurried on to the stage, and again, by the magic power of noble purpose, the storms were silenced and boisterous threats were toned down to friendly greetings. On November Bth following, and before the people of America had quite forgiven England for her “hasty proclamation,” Cape. Wilkes, or the U.S. sloop San Jacinto, having scented game, laid in wait in the Ramoina Channel, and on the appoach of the British steamer Trent —c.'u route from Havana to Liverpool—ho fired a shot across her bow, boarded her, and after a “passive resistenee” and wordy protests, he arrested tho “Southern Commissioners,” Mason and Slidell, who were among the passengers, and carried them to a Northern prison. The whole country went into a paroxysm of resentful joy. The South was hilarious, as she believed this meant immediate war between the North anu England, and the North was equally jubdant, as the incident gave relief to a high mental tension, and the people imagined themselves ready for any and all emergencies. If was still foolishly believed, notwithstanding Bull Run, by many intelligent people of the North, that a foreign war would re-unite our people, while many others, either from inherited prejudice or from ignorance regarding the true relations of the two countries, were ready for a war with England on “general principles.” Capt. Wilkes, in a day, became the hero of the nation. He was deluged with letters and telegrams; the Secretary of the Navy cangradilated him; the press lionised him; Congress, by resolution, thanked him gnd the people howled applause at Ifra ill-considered action. But the calm, heroic Lincoln, with folded arms and bowed head, contemplated the new situation with amaze-

menb. When the first thrilling news came, and the united chorus of approval was heard, Lincoln, unmoved by passion, firmly said that Capt. Wilkes had “transcended his authority, ” and that, if England demanded the return or the prisoners, “they must be given upLike Galileo, Lincoln stood SOLITARY AND ALONE. The storms of passion raged around him, those to whom he owed his political existence urged him, but he_ answered, “Fifty years ago we fought England on this very question —the right of search and seizure—and if England demands them, as she will, they must be given up, for if we were right then, she is nght now,” and wich a diplomatic wink, and a tolling shrug, which, like the “heathen Chinee” was probably “meant to deceive,” lie said, “One war at a time.” Lincoln was right, and he knew' England, intuitively, better than all the historians. . Lord John Russell was Britain’s Premier, and “Lord John” was in a rage. He framed a despatch, briefly, promptly and energetically. In “galL and wormwood” Lord John’s message “double discounted the earlier ono of Seward; but the demands, as originally drawm, with all Lincolns power, his conviction of right, and his desire to preserve friendly relations, could not have been complied with, without a sacrifice of self-respect that would have overwhelmed even a less pretentious country with contempt. Under an insolent threat, tho most magnanimous knight wo?ild “decline” even to do right. But on Britain’s throne there sat the most Queenly of Queens, the most womanly of women, one of tho most gentle and humane of earthly mortals, and as Mr Seward had carried his despatch to Lincoln for approval, so Lord John carried his to Victoria for her signature, and he went thither with, hurried confidence. But Victoria was not a form, she was a fact; and, guided by the better angel of her nature, she took t mo for consideration.' Under the letter of the law T , Victoria’s powers were limited, but (under the spirit of the times, "Victoria’s gentle sway was co-cxtensive with the interests, the hopes and the yearnings of her people. Victoria w'as in no hurry. Lord John might fume and stamp and growl, but the possibilities of what she justly regarded as a fratricidal war, thrilled her with horror, and Lord John had to wait. VICTORIA’S BEREAVEMENT. Victoria at this time was bowed town with a deep sorrow, for Albert, the chosen of her girlish love, the companion of her eventful life and the father of her idolised children, was smitten with a mortal disease, and on his coach, smoothed by Royal hands, he was slowly dying. But the flue intellect of the “Consort” was still clear, his sympathy was sought, and those two, she, with eyes dimmed by loving-.cares, lie, with fevered 1-row and laboured breath, toiled far into the night, and patiently, carefully, skillfully but mercilessly, erased, pruned and interlined, until little remained of Lord John’s despatch, save a calm, dispassionate statement of the _ case, and a firm hope for immediate justice, wider the laws of nations, with a generous regard for the feelings of the people of a friendly power. The work was done, and three days before his soul went out to test the inevitable realities of an eternal world, Albert aided his gentle Queen in making it possible for. a brave and sensitive nation to cat “humble pie” without a feeling of humiliation, and when the people of America gained a glimpse, at these death-chamber scenes, their sighs went up to God mingled with hers, and they will forever remember with love and gratitude “Albert the Good,” and Victoria, the peace-loving Queen of the Motherland.

On January 1, 1863, Mason and Slidell wore handed ever to the Briti,sir gunboat Ronald!, and the clouds of war that “lowered upon our house,” and threatened ruin to our kindred nations, by the genius of Victoria and Lincoln., rolled away, we hope, forever. To-day cur race, Britain and America, .are one in tho deep love of human liberty, one in hope and aspiration, and one in the identity of material interest, and whoever would stir up strife between them, merits the execration of the world. For universal human progress, these two kindred nations are now doing more than they could possibly do were they united under one sceptre. Since that Bahama Channel episode, by industrial revolution and commercial enterprise, these two nations have really created and are now leading A NEW SYSTEM of civilisation, that is destined to dominate the world. Since that time, as America’s customer, Britain has mure than equalled all the rest of the work! combined: she has invested more of her surplus capital in the United States than in all her own colonies, and since that time, each country has b. come so necessary to the other’s progress ana prosperity, that the bare thought or a, war between tlieng has become abhorrent to every sensible man of the ' ace. For this happy condition, for « lie tact that neither people now regard the others as foreigners, and for the general advance of modern civilisation, the world is indebted immeasurably to the unbought- service of Victoria and but only by imagining what the p: o~

bablo conditions of the world would hav« been to-day, liad Britain and America plunged into a war in tho '6os can we fully realise tho far-reaching influence of tlm actions of these two transcendent souls. Few caro to imagine, I say, tho probable effects on the world of a war between those kindred nations at that juncture, for remember, the stubborn North, with her wonderful resources, her matchless industries, her genius for victory and a resentment that would have sunk deeply into every bosom, would have fought until the last hardearned dollar had vanished., nod tho last ditch was filled with her patriotic slain. Such a war would have been the bloodiest in the annals of time. France would have gladly joined Britain, and many years of war would have been waged, with eternal hatred. The independence of the South would have been assured, with two Republics, one slave and tho other free, with oternai discord. Maxamillian, would have lean more firmly seated on the throne of Mexico; Cuba wo-uld have writhed for generations under her oid oppressors; South America would have been, tire prey pi European States; Russia, with Britain, engaged, would have moved toward Southern Asia; the Sandwich Island would have been a bone of contention; the East and West would probably have broken asunder, with three North American Republics, and, as a final result, it is not unreasonable to imagine a condition of international compiicotiona through which “popular gpimminent” would have been well-nigh extinguished. with little hope for | resent liberty, save by fighting all tho old battles over again. Then., with AMERICA TORN ASUNDER, with Britain distracted and impoverished by this fratricidal strife, with no groat America as partner in prosperity, her proud position of to-day would have been impossible. As a fact, it is not improbably that had there been such a war, the AngloSaxon race would have failed, in what even then seemed to be its high destiny. Never, perhaps, in the world's history were the spontaneous actions of two widely separated persons more fraught with measureless possibilities for the world’s good or ill than those under consideration, but a review of the publio sentiment at the timo adds infinite luster to the actors in this historic drama.

for it must bo remembered that as between the two countries, the bonds of sympathy and mutual interest were row and lax, in those days, as compared with the present. The sympathy of much of the aristocracy, many of the manufacturers and more cf the politicians of Britain, was really with tho South, and powerful personages in Europe were urging an alliance against the growing importance of Republican institutions. But in the face of all this, tho serene Victoria-, standing above the selfish passions of the Limes, and encouraged by tho dying Albert, made it a pleasure for America to perform an act of real contrition, that United Europe could not have forced upon her. Then, on the “other side,” by the accident of passionate party ism, there stood tho oaken Lincoln, who, without a single sympathiser, with no advisor cr confident, had the sublime courage and manhood to face the angry protest of a nation, and, for that 'tor tion’s good, to draw the reins with an iron hand, and check tho rush to ruin. It is a pleasure to the contemplative mind to look back over tho doings of the days that make the present possible, for, save the brief glimpses revealed ty Buckle, by Ginzott, and by Draper, of the silent" forces that have moved the world, little has yet been written by men. We read many biographies, we see through the dusty tomes 'spuiied and belted knights and conquerors Lurrying across tho stage, and 'when the curtain l’ises in response to tho applause, we see grim statues, imposing tomes and costly mosoleums, but in the coming ages, when the present monuments shall have crumbled to dust, and tEe nobler strifes for hunian happiness shall have full recognition, die unfading memory of Victoria and Lincoln will bo enshrined fo-r ever in the hearts and the effect-ions of all the races of civilised men.