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MAN-POWER BILL.

SECOND READING CARRIED. STRONG IRISH PROTESTS. QUARTER HOUR'S UPROAR. EFFECT ON INDUSTRY FEARED. Australian and N.Z Cable Association. (R«od. 11.55 p.m.) LONDON, April 10. Moving the second reading of the ManPower Bill in the House of Commons, Sir George Cave, Secretary of State for Home Affairs, was subjected to considerable interruption from the Nationalists until j the Speaker intervened. ■ Sir George Cave said the Government : believed that conscription for Ireland was I worth while if only five divisions were obtained. They did not believe that an army would be necessary to enforce conscription. There were already considerable troops in Ireland for the preservation of order. Though Homo Rule and conscription were not intended as two sides of a bargain Ireland could not obtain Home Rule more easily than by fighting the Kingdom's common battle. Sir C. E. H. Hobhouse moved as an amendment that while recognising the ■ gravity of the military situation, and the | urgent necessity for giving all possible j support to the allied forces, members were | of opinion that the Bill diminished the j nation's naval and economic power withj out adding commensurate military i strength. Supporters of the amendment drew Mr. Lloyd George's attention to the statement that the enemy's strength was in- j I ferior on the west front. They asked I why then had we not taken advantage I of that superiority to assume the offeni sive. The proposals would produce an j avalanche of unfit men, probably less than 3 per cent, of whom would be useful for I military purposes. The army was now making no effective use of the lower grade men. Official Irish Protest. Mr. John Dillon, leader of the Nationalist Party, stated that events in France 1 were the only justification for the Bill, | but the proposals could not have any I possible effect in redressing the recent I misfortunes. Tho comb-out scheme would provide the real reinforcements. The raising of the service age was not necessary. He believed the trouble at the front was not lack of men, hut was due to tho system of promoting officers. The I old gang was still in control of the army. I He described the Bill as a delusion, and an attempt to blind the people. The real purpose was to divert public attention from the causes of the disasters at the front. The Irish bishops had warned the Government that the Bill would break ( down law and order. The Irish at tho i front would become formidable because ! it would be a conflict in which England j was morally wrong. The influence would j consequently spread to America and Australia. Believing that the Government was enI forcing conscription in order to escape its Home Rule pledges, he challenged the Government to take a plebiscite in Ireland on conscription, which would yield probably no more than 80,000 men'and imperil Britain's food supply. If the deed was persisted in, Britain's moral j position before the world would be gone, j Mr. Asquith gravely doubted whether raising the age would produce the expected results. He had been overwhelmed with communications from all parts of the country, pointing out that the proposal would denude vital businesses of their remaining indispensable men. He. himself believed tho result would not increase, but diminish, the national efforts available for war purposes. He regretted that the Tribunals had been swept away, thus preventing consideration of special cases. Irish conscription had already been isjected twice or thrice by the Government. It would have been much easier to institute two years ago. It should not be imposed without Ireland's general consent, which was not forthcoming. It was only imposed in Britain when general assent had been secured. In a frco Empire we must take things and communities as they are. The additional man-power from Ireland by conscription would not balance the drawbacks. The Irish revolutionary movement was now waning. It would be a terrible and a short-sighted step to accompany Home Rule with such an obnoxious proposal. He concluded by appealing to all parties to endeavour to reconcile Ireland to the Empire in order to preserve an unbroken front. Justification of Government. Mr. Bonar Law said the Government agreed to Mr. Asquith's suggestion to give more time for consideration of the Bill, which would necessarily create controversy. The Government did not wish to aggravate discord and must justify its proposals. It was useless to conceal the position from ourselves. What had happened in Franco was not expected. That was why the Government introduced the Bill. Until tho commencement of the battle tho balance of forces was not against the allies. Under (hese circumstances the Government, as well as the allied military advisers, believed that if the enemy attacked, we ran no danger of anything fatal happening. Members were repeatedly asking why we did not exercise the initiative. Even if the Government or the army leaders ought to bo changed, the demand for men | remained. Unless we were prepared to I face the position we must be prepared to face defeat. A successful offensive against entrenched positions was only possible with the whole weight of the allies. The Government established unity of command, believing that if tho allied armies wero used as one, what was now a dangerous situation might be changed to an advantage. If the enemy failed in his present plans the result would he most serious for him. He would consider Mr. Asquith's suggestion that the maximum age should be 48 years. Critical Time In May and June. The Germans would persist month after month. The Government's figures showed that unless the casualties became much ' heavier the most critical time would be ' the end of May or June. If the battle j lasted another eight months the men now j being recruited would be available. There- ] fore we must not unnecessarily delay. j The Government was aware of the inevit- | able effect on trade and industry, and ! had deliberately made up its mind that I I the risk must be taken in face of the i greater risk, believing that it might mean the difference between victory and defeat. !If the Government announced that the life of the nation was at stake, but that ] it could not ask Ireland to help, it would have been the end of Home Ride. It was a mistake to suppose that the Government introduced Iri.>h conscription as ! a pious opinion. They intended to carry i it out. (Cheers ) It was formerly estimated that Ireland would provide 120.000 men, but the new conditions would give | many more. The Government had deli I berately weighed the advantages and disadvantages. If it was wrong the Government should be changed. ! Mr. Bonar Law ronchided by inviting | the opponents of Irish conscription to ' oppose the second reading of the Rill. If the country thought the Government was making a mistake the latter world support irv other Government in carrying on the war.

Mr. William O'Brien, Independent Nationalist member for Cork City, protested against the madness and wickedness of applying conscription to Ireland. She could have destroyed the Government on the outbreak of the wjfr, and this was her reward. The Government was offering her the shadow of Home Rule with naked military despotism. At the point of machine-guns Irishmen wero asked to shed torrents of blood because another violated treaty was flung to the winds. Mr. O'Brien said he was compelled bitterly to renounce his dreams of a reconciliation between the two countries. He concluded that because Ireland was weak they wore going to do to her what they dare not do to Australia without the consent of the people. There was an extraordinary scene at the dosing of the debate. When Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister in Charge of National Service, rose to sum up, the Nationalists shouted, "Duke, Duke." The Speaker vainly appealed for order. The scene lasted for a-quarter of an hour, though Mr. Dillon appealed to his friends to allow Sir Auckland Geddes to be heard. Finally Mr. Bonar Law pointed out that Mr. H. E. Duke, Chief Secretary for Ireland, intended to 6peak on Irish matters later. Sir Auckland Geddes said the army authorities and the Chief of the Imperial General Staff considered the Bill vitally necessary. There was no alternative except to let the armies down. He was certain the Parliament and the country would never do this. The closure was carried, and Sir C. E. H. Hobhouse's amendment was defeated by SI votes to 106. The Bill was read a second time by 323 votes to 100. (Received 7.30 p.m.) Renter. LONDON, April 10. The Irish Times says that only one thing could be more unfortunate than the j total exemption of Ireland from cornpuli sory service, namely, the enactment of ( compulsion, and subsequent hesitation to I enforce it in face of the lawless and disj loyal threats of the Nationalists. FreeJ man's Journal declares that the Government is mad. The Cabinet has decided to carry the war into Ireland. Calling Up the Doctors. The text of the Military Service Bill states that its provisions will not apply to persons ordinarily resident in the Dominions. Doctors up to 56 years will be liable for service. Clergymen j shall perform combatant service only ; with their own consent. As regards Ire- , land, the Act shall be subject to such , modifications and adaptations as are I necessary to make it applicable. I The Daily Telegraph states that the I Nationalist members avow their intention ! of returning to Ireland to organise resist- '■ ance to conscription. Some are of ! opinion that there will be an alliance bei tween tho Nationalists and the Sinn Feiners. A meeting of the Standing ' Committee of Irish Catholics, consisting iof Cardinal Logue and the Bishops of j Cloyne and Kildare, resolved that an at- : tempt to enforce conscription would be a , fatal mistake. I Times. ErONDON, April 10. ; Numerous groups of Parliamentarians, including Labi met in the House of ; Commons on Wednesday to consider the I Man-Power Bill. The Parliamentary ; correspondent of the Times says that the House of Commons was profoundly impressed by the Premier's statement. ! There was no panic, but the deepest j anxiety. The majority of members of ; the House have returned to their consti- ; tuencies with the fixed intention to sup- , port tho sternest measures. A. md N.Z. LONDON. April 10. Mr. Lloyd George's speech failed to grip the House of Commons. There arc i undoubtedly signs of confusion, leading ito a crisis unless the Nationalists car Ibe pacified. The general feeling in the j lobby is that the Government made a | grave mistake in mixing up conscription 1 with Home Rule. Sir Edward Carson j voiced this opinion, adding that conscripj tion was propped up by Home Rule, and i warning the Government that the introduction of Home Rule might raise an agitation. He told the Nationalists in all I sincerity that the greatest contribution I they could make towards an Irish settlej ment was that the men in the trenches ! should learn to trust each other. The I newspapers state that the Convention's : report may not be ready before Friday. 3upport from Ulster. I A meeting of Ulster Unionist memj bers of the House of Commons adopted i a resolution in favour of conscription in ! Ireland. j Newspapers generally accept as neces- ! sary tho man-power proposals in view I of tho seriousness of the military situation. The Morning Post welcomes the I inclusion of Ireland on the same conditions as Britain, and is glad that no attempt was made to shuffle tho responsibility on to the shoulders of a hypothetical Irish Government. Liberal newspapers praise Mr. , Asquith's appeal for unity as a sombre reminder of the gravity of the situation. The Daily Chronicle insists against conscription in Ireland, and earnestly hopes that even now the Government may open its ears to saner counsels. COMMENT IN AMERICA. WARNING TO IRELAND. A. and N.Z. NEW YORK. April 10. The New York Times, commenting on Mr. I.lovd George's speech, says that Ire- | land will be well advised to accept conscription, otherwise fhe cannot expect J liberal treatment after the war. If Englishmen aio giving up their lives ungrudgingly, no part of the Empire will be permitted to shirk its duty. Received 845 p m I Mr. R. Hazelton, Nationalist member for North Galway, interviewed n New York, said the enforcement of conscription in Ireland would spell tragedy and utter disaster. Mr. T. P. O'Connor declared that conscription would paralyse Britain's friends and encourage her bitterest enemies. Such an insane blunder world render futil" the best effrrts of the Irish leaders everywhere

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19180412.2.30.11

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume LV, Issue 16822, 12 April 1918, Page 5

Word Count
2,104

MAN-POWER BILL. New Zealand Herald, Volume LV, Issue 16822, 12 April 1918, Page 5

MAN-POWER BILL. New Zealand Herald, Volume LV, Issue 16822, 12 April 1918, Page 5

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