MASS MEETING IN THE CHORAL HALL.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 6931, 4 February 1884, Page 3 (Supplement)

MASS MEETING IN THE CHORAL HALL.

A mass meeting in connection with the Eight Hours' Demonstration was held in the I Choral Hall on January 29, at eight p.m. At half-past seven o'clock, when the doors were opened, a'large number of people had assembled in the portico. The banners of the several trades were hung in the interior —boilermakers, blacksmiths, engineers, iron workers, ornamental plasterers, painters. At eight o'clock the hall was filled. The platform (choir) was set apart for ladies and gentlemen invited by the committee ; the front scats of the body of the hall were appropriated to gentlemen accompanied by ladies; the remainder of the seats were occupied by working men aud the general public. On the platform we observed several clergymen. Amongst others present were : ' The Very Rev. MonsignorFynes, Rev. Spencer ■ Walpole, P. Dignan (M.L.C.), Air. Justice Gillies, P. J. Moss (M.H.K.), J. M. Darga- , vile (M.H.R.), A. McDonald (M.H.R.), T. ' Peacock (M.H.R.), J. Lundoo, and T. Dun- ' can. J Sir George Grey entered the hall at eicht o'clock precisely, and was received with ' loud cheers. ' His Worship the Mayor was called to tte \ chair. ' The Chairman said he was well pleised to 1 fill so honourable a position as to be president of such a meeting. It was to him a matter of surprise that so many people were present, considering that they had been exposed to the sun in the open air during t'ie day. Mauy of them had been engaged in field sports, which involved considerable . expenditure of physical effort. He would . noc detain the meeting, as there was a considerable amount of business to be done. He would at once call on Sir George Grey to ' address the meeting. 1 ADDRESS BY SIR GEORGE GREY. ,

Siu George Giiey ou coming forward was received with loud and prolonged cheering. Sir George Grey said : Mr. Chairman, ladies and geutlemen, —I have been asked to address you to-Dight oq a very important subject, that is, upon the duties of the working classes towards one another. I have been requested indeed to advise you what steps you should take to maintain your rights ana to secure your prosperity for the future. (Cheers.) What i should tell you is this : thatlthe population of New Zealand is scattered over so great au extent of country, and its large town 3 are separated by such wide intervals from one auother, that it is almost impossible for the working classes to make their power felt within this colony. The only manner in which they can possibly assert their position is by entering into correspondence with one another throughout the whole colony. (Cheers.) At the very tune you are moving here, I have been addressed by the working classes from the south of New Zealand ; the people of Christchurch, for instance, are now moving in exactly the same direction that you are. But you can know nothing of what they are doing ; jou cannot be aware of the steps that they take to make their power felt; and the only manner in : which you can act conjointly is by getting into correspondence by means of some central body in each town. Train up your own men to public life. Your children are all now getting a first-rate education —(Hear, hear, and cheers) —an education which will enable them to take leading parts in any public question ; and it is to the rising "ene- , ration that you should look to find men from your own body to watch after the welfare of those from whom they have sprung. (Cheers.) Now, you must not imagine from my saying this that I feel coldly upon the subject; on the contrary, I ' believe the subject I have brought under your notice to be one of the very highest importance—of the greatest importance that can be conceived, because however well off you may be at the prosent moment, however good your prospects may be, you may rely upon it that as population increases, so will great and heavy trials fall upou the labouring population of New Zealand. It is very well to say that some grievance has been redressed, but no souner is one grievance redressed than some other difficulty begins to arise—small in its beginning, but entailing immense consequences in its end. No benevolence upon the part of your statesmen, upon the part of the wealthy, can prevent such things taking place. It seems almost an inevitable penalty attached to humanity that as soon as one evil is got rid of anywhere then another begins to spring up. It was as if men were placed in a school and subjected to some discipline which was to compel them to think continually of their welfare, because for them there is no rest; abolish one evil and another takes its place. Do uot attribute this to carelessness or to ill-feeling upon the part of wealth ; such a misfortune is rather to be attributed to the working classes themselves for not watching sufficiently for the rise of each at its first origin, but allowing it to grow and grow, leaving penalties so heavy that it is intolerable ; until the misfortunes they have Mi tic rod have been terrible, and until only some great and powerful effort almost of the whole nation can put an end to it. Do not think that upon this subject 1 speak in a tone of exaggeration. Let me just follow out for you what has taken place in my own life, aud what many of you will recollect, and thus you will be able to say whether or not 1 do not amply prove that which I stated to you. [Sir G. Grey then detailed the history of a number of reforms that had been effected in his lifetime, improving the position of the working classes. He referred to the statements lately made by Mr. Chamberlain in regard to the death rate in the crowded populations in England.] Thus, you will see, that ai one evil is crushed out in great masses of society, some other begins to i germinate instantly, and unless crushed in ' its very commencement, must grow to such great evils as I speak of ; and, it is only by watchfulness on your own part that these things can be prevented. (Cheers.) They cannot be prevented by suffering like Christian men, and saying nothing. Now, while speaking to you upon this subject, 1 feel it my duty to advert to a most momentous movement which is goine on, upon which the whole future of this part of the world must depend. That movement is the movement for annexation aud federation. I tell you that that movement, if properly conducted, is for your welfare; improperly conducted, it is for your great and lasting disaster. Let us, therefore, consider this most momentous question. Let me put this to you. I'art of this movement originates in the desire for the employment of coloured labour. (Hear, hear.) Now, do not say any of you, "What do we care for that? tbat is something with which wo have nothing to do." Recollect that when some of us, myself amongst the number, made a movement upon the question of the introduction of large numbers of Chinese labourers in this country, that in one branch of your Legislature it was said that the movement was a just one but that it must not be carried too-far ; and what was the proposal ? That one-tenth of the population should be allowed to be made up of Chinese. That was argued as a reasonable aud fair settlement of the question. What did that mean, if there are live hundred thousand of you here m New Zealand ? The Chinese bring no females with them. They bring no children. It meant 50,000 Chinese labourers. Why it approaches to one - half the European labourers in the colony. (Cheers.) Where would the comforts of your wives and families be if forevery European labourer—or, say, that two Chinese appeared for every three European labourers—where would the rate of wages be ? (Cheers.) What would the state of civilisation be? Will you bring your children up to live in the state of the civilisation of Chinamen? (Cheers.) Having admitted a certain number of thein into the colony, treat them with care. Those that are here, treat them with civility, give them the same fair chance that you have yourselvos. (Hear, hoar.) But determine that New Zealand shall be an Anglo-Saxon community. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Now, let us approach this question of federation ; let us ask what has been done. You are landed in a difficulty ; you do not know it, but you tremble on the brink of a precipiece. (Hear, hear.) Let us see whore you are. You had a long speech the other night, and I think but little was aaid that would give you the real idea of what has been taking place, or where you stand. (Cheers.) Now, let me say this to you, first of all, that here we are iu a British colony, and we have a Governor who comes from the Queen, and we have here colonial Miuisters who come from the people, and who derive their power from the people, and who have no iota of power that you have not given to them. (Cheers.) Aud you have given them no power to interfere iu the affairs of any other country, and to sacrifice your interests to those of any other people, (Cheers.)

Supposing that it was intended to deprive you of your constitution and to join you to States in which the vast mass of the people would be coloured population having votes, and with whom i£ you were joined your own power would be Jost, whilst you would have to obey laws made by persons of different origin, civilisation, habits, and customs frcm your own—supposing it was intended to do that, and the Queen were to scud out letters patent and was to select two gentlemen from each colony without consulting you, to order them to assemble at some distant place where your Press could not watch them—to conduct their proceedings in secret, and then to send home a recommendation to Parliament as to the kind of law that should be made to fetter you in that respect, and that the Queen in doing that broke her word pledged to you when see absented to your Constitution Act, you would not revolt, but the beginning of ditferencea would be laid between you and Great Britain which could never be allayed hereafter. (Cheers.) Well, then, if an officer sent out by the Queen, seut out with no power but that which the Queen gives him, and that is only a power enjoyed under an Act of Parliament, the Constitution Act, —if he comes out here and then uses his position for the purpose of appainting delegates in that way, and sending them to such a Conference, why that was a breach of his duty to his Sovereign and to the people of this country. (Oheers.) Unless some way is found to stop the movement that is now going on you will be festered by its provisions. It may become law before any of us can see what it is, before any of us will have an opportunity of speaking upon the subject. Let me try to make clear to you what the law will do. In the first place, the Federal Council is to be appointed to sit in Tasmania, 1 with enormous powers. It will have very great powers over us. "How shall we know [what passes.in Tasmania? How can our I Press influence them ? . .How can our public meetings influence them? And then, why should a distant Legislature of that kind legislate for us on these most important 1 matters ? Are you working men incapable of doing that for yourselves ? Can you not speak to your representatives and tell them 1 what you wish to be done? Lot them make the laws here. How are your representatives to be appointed to that Council ? This federal law does not say they are to be elected. Not a bit of it—they are to ba appointed. They are to be-appointed by the Legislature : that is, I suppose, by votes in Parliament. If, therefore, parties are pretty equally balanced, the two gentlemen will be named by a majority, it may be, of one vote in that Parliament. Would it not, therefore, be right if these representatives should go forth as delegates to consider questions of this character to Bay to them, "We forbid you to make any laws or to assent to any law, except such as those which we point out to you." Is it right that a mere party majority in Parliament; shall have the power of sending people to fetter us with binding laws in so distant a place. Well, but it may be said that their powers are limited to what is expressed in the Act. That is not the case. To you it will appear incredible that by a mere address of the House of Representatives a distant Legislature can be empowered to determine and legislate on any subject whatever—that is, supposing there is a majority of one voice in favour of their legislating on Certain things they can forthwith, on the most important questions, pass laws which will bind us for : all time. You are aware that-"the Governor ( here cau only assent or dissent to any law made by the Assembly, with the advice of his Ministers. You do not-give him any powers. There is no power vested in him at all. He is like the Queen in this respect, that the Queen's Ministers have to advise her. But the Federal Act says that a distant Governor (at present tho Governor of Tasmania) may absolutely, of his own will, assent or dissent from the law presented to liim. What is this but that the Act clothes a distant Governor, in respect to matters in which we may have the deepest interest, with powers which we do not give to our own Governors—with powers which no free State puts into the hands of the ruling authority — power which the Queen herself does not exercise. Such is the power that this Federal Act proposes to give to Governors of colonies in which the Federal Council may.be sitting, which power shall have binding effect in this colony. This wonderful change ill our laws is to be made, as I now tell you, without our being consulted. It is said, however, that the Federal Act shall apply only to colonies which give their assent to come under it. That is the way it is put. But if a Federal Act is passed at all we should have been consulted previously, so that wo might have been heard as to what the character of it should be. (Cheers.) You must be aware that once an Act of Parliament is passed it is a most difficult thing to get it repealed. Nothing is perhaps more difficult. But why should a law be passed without those being heard who were to ba affected by it without their assent or dissent being asked ? To this questiou probably the answer would be made—" What could we do ?" But you may ask again how did this take place ? I will tell you how it took place. A distant body like this Federal Convention, sitting without reporters, acting almost without knowing what they were doing, was almost certain to be led astray by surrounding circumstances. They felt that when they went into conference great expectations were formed that they would do something. Their minds then bejjan to act almost in spite of themselves. They were led on step by step in the course they undertook, until at last, I think, they really-did not know what they were doing. (Cheers and laughter.) Allow me to follow out for your considera. tion so as to make you perceive what the result oE this Federal Convention will probably be. w'e in New Zealand stood in thi3 enviable position before this Convention assembled. Before this disaster, as it may prove to be, took place we were at all events federated to the greatest Empire—to Great Britain. I will show you how presently. (Cheers.) We were federated as a single body, not bound up with anybody else. We were free to apeak our owa mind. We were not bound by the word of any other person. We were, I repeat, in a most enviable position. But it might be said in regard to that, "Yes, but you have very little weight; what do they in Great Britain care about New Zealand ? If you bind yourself with all the Aubtralasian colonies England will be bound to do what you want —you will be very strong." As to that, I do not believe there is any one of ub who wants to threaten England. Ido not think that there ib a man who hears me who wishes to do otherwise as regards England than what he believes to be right. I do not thiuk there is any man here who wishes to be heard qn account of his strength. More than that, if all the Australasian colonies wanted Kngland to do something wrong, and if we felt it to be wrong, we would speak out our mind on public questions, we would support Great Britain doing what was right and oppose the wrong. That is the position we ought to occupy. We ought not to threaten or attempt to control. We should act by our reason, support the right at all costs, when we knew it to be right. What then could have been greater or nobler than our position in this respect up to the time of the meeting of this Convention. Just reflect upon the case of Rome. In the Roman State there was an effort made to build up a great empire, and in the centre to establish a great city. The wealth of the world was to be drawn into Rome for gladiatorial shows, to provide food for the populace, oil of whom got rations. Everything was done to augment the power of that great city. Yet, the Roman Empire fell, as you all know. What, on the contrary, have we been doing ? We have been thiuking of no great city to be established. We believe there ia one great race capable of benefiting tho whole world —the Anglo-Saxon race. We have struggled for the establishment of that race in all the best portions of the earth. That' is what we have been fighting for. The question for us is, how we should help on this AngloSaxon race in this great movement. What should the men in New Zealand be able to do in furtherance of this object ? If you reflect for one moment, there is a tendency invariably iu the mind of capital to get labour at the cheapest rate. That is almost an instinct of capital. What will take place if you adopt the course which is now suggested ? 1 have had the matter put to me iu this form : " Why do you object to Chinese coming into New Zealand; they are a patient race, they are laborious, they are thrifty, they can live on very little, they are obedient, they arc easily kept under control, they can be got in many thousands, they can be brought to New Zealand with great facility, they produce commodities of various kinds ; you can get people from India and from other cuuntries as well as from Chiua. In this way there would be great trade and commerce ; large fortunes would be made ;

there would be princely merchants who would reside in England and live there in wealth and comfort; trade and commerce would flourish here. Why, therefore, are you so selfish as to deprive Great Britain of that immediate wealth which, would be attained by the efforts of colonists through these me&na ?" My answer to that is that we did not come here for such a purpose. We came here to establish a British nation. (Cheers.) We came here to see that nation grow up by sure if slow degrees. We came here in the hope that the millions would come from the old country, having suffered greatly there, that they would estab'ish here humble but happy homes in which there would also be plenty, content, civilisation, and an educated people. These lands oo which we enter for a future/or us, they will produce iu response te the labour that is expended upon them. Let us then have one home for the poor of our race in at least one country on the face of the earth, —let us have a nation here with the AngloSaxon instincts. (Cheers.) We do not wish to meddle with them ; we do not wish to interfere with these distant races, but let them leave us in peace. With the natives of these islands we can dwell in peace, happiness, and contentment, as we have already done for years. They are a race with noble instincts, with whom our race has inter-married, and of whose excellence we have many proofs. There am many ladies sprung from them who are now fulfilling all the duties of mothers and wives in the most exemplary manners, creditably to themselves and the race from which they sprung. Why should not these coloured races of other lands come here to interfere with ua an Anglo-Saxons ? Why drag us into a confederation that contemplates objects so very different from ours ? Look at Australasia ! Just cast your eyes at it for a moment. Take Queensland, a great part of New South Wales, a still greater proportion of South Australia, the greater part of Western Australia. These lands can only be cultivated by coloured labour. The coloured, races must flock into these places, possibly in millions. Such is the aspect of tho future for them. It is to the advantage possibly of these lauds that it should be so. We do not interfere with that. But such a population, when it does must have votes, or they must have power of some kind. Their instincts must be different from ours ; their customs will be different, and their habits. Why should we be placed under legislation suited for them in all the most important points ? Why give liberty and freedom suited to us to races so different from ourselves ? I think that you will determine with me that, whafiever the future may present, you will remain an independent people. We should be federated to the British Empire, and federated to it alone, giving hope and example to all other nations which surround us, and estimate tlie advantages of free government. We cannot live under circumstances which might be* regarded as enjoyable by coloured races. If you stand alone, you will be as it were a, lamp to the nations in the Pacific. Yoix will be the only truly European nation with the exception of Van Diemen's Land and Victoria. You will ba the only large European nation in the Pacific. But suppose you mix yourselves np with all these other States ; suppose that you are bound by those laws which may be passed by this Convention ; supposing that their Courts came to have jurisdiction within your territory; yet you must remember that your Supreme Court will become a Supreme Court lof this federation. Supposing all this to take place, where will be your individuality 2 Mixed up with this great incoherent mass, what example can you give to the world 2 What can your great men do to distinguish themselves among all the nations of the earth ? What emulation or what rivalry can there be between you and any other' people 1 You will have no free choice, no right of judging upon various subjects. You must humbly and abjectly submit that which distant legislatures may choose to impose upon you. You are as large as Great Britain. You may carry, in the course oE time, as great a population. Where would our liberty be now if England had federated | herself with other nations of Europe in times past and bound herself by their laws 2 Where would we all have been now? Will ! you, then, with such gre»t examples before I you, lose all self-respect and individuality in; becoming mixed up with the heterogeneous population that must in the future occupy the greater portion of Australasia ? I shall only add a few words, as it is growing late but there are several subjects on which * wish to address you. Let me say, however, that there are two things we should do to preserve our liberties. I shall not go into them at length, but rather briefly allude to them. Great Britain gave us a constitution. In giving us that constitution it was so framed that any alteration is now impotsible. That constitution, however, embraces two Chambers, one of which is nominated. It is a difficult thing to get a nominated Chamber so perfectly independent as to carry out changes such as we would desire. We might: appeal to Great Britain for an alteration of the constitution. To that course, however, I have an objection. I do not think we ought to embarrass Britain by asking her to interfere iu matters that would probably weaken the distant parts of her pira. I have rather sought a solution of the question by proposing this alternative—that whenever either House of the Legislature, in two successive sessions, has passed a law to which the other House will not consent, that the Government should be required to refer the question to the whole people— that is to say, by taking a vote at every polling place, so that every elector should have the power to say whether or not the measure should become the law of the land. In that way we would get rid of many difficulties with the Legislative Council. If they were right they would still have their will. If the Hoose of Representatives were right, that no doubt would be a triumph for them. The whole population of New Zealand would have the faculty of judging upon public matters often called into exercise. It would promote their self-respect. It would give them a sense of their powers and of their worth. It would, incline them to listen to all useful and practical suggestions. It would enable them to see difficulties, and perhaps, suggest the proper solution of them. I should be glad if the working men took this subject into their consideration. In the next place, I propose that we Bhonld federate ourselves with the British Empire, by interfering with Acts of the British Parliament, in so far only as they affected our internal affairs. The Houße of Representatives, in its last session, in spite of the violent opposition of a large number of members of the Government and of the Speaker, asserted its power to repeal or to amend Acts of the British Parliament. Now, it we have this power, we can interpose it to great advantage whenever Great Britain, through the ignorance of her Parliament, is likely to do wrong to this portion of her Empire. If Parliament paßses a law relating to our internal affairs, and adverse to our interests, if we repeal their Act, and it it goes home to the Queen, and she assents to it, and it becomes law. We cannot make the law ourselves, and we do not pretend to make the law. If she assents, she does so with the advice of her Cabinet, made up of members of the Houses of Commons and Lords. Instead of going into controversy with the people at home, instead of using the language of rebellion, we legislate on the particular subject, and send the Act home for further consideration. If they dissent from it, they send it back for further consideration, stating their reasons. Then we can pass an Act amending the Act of Legislature in the direction recommended. It would thu3 be like a law returned to the House of Representatives for further consideration. In that way we would assert our own liberty and our independence in connection with Great Britain, at the same time that there would be a true confederation with tho Empire itself. Let us look round the world and consider its present state in one respect. There are more coloured subjects of Her Majesty than Anglo-Saxon subjects. There are 220,000,000 of coloured people in Hindostan, against 3S or 39 millions in great Britain. Then there are the British possessions in China, in the Indian Archipelago, her possessions in America and the great Indian islands. You see that the Anglo-Saxon race is in a small proportion. You will observe that where coloured labour is employed there is a tendency to approach towards slavery. In such places they are constantly drawing nearer to that point. Laws of an objectionable kind are made, the lash is introduced to punish idleness ; there are special laws of vagrancies to apprehend coloured servants who have run away. Let us in these lands be satisfied with moderate wealth, humble homes, aud a contented and educated people ; let us unite to protect ourselves ; lec us not be led astray by a desire for wealth or fancied greatness through connection with other colonies, sustained by

, coloured labour; let us forfeit no privilege that we have, and seek none that such i connection would give us. As to defence we are willing to join with Bntisl communities in establishing a navy i necessary. Thit can be done by treaty o agreement. It rfquires no federation t< accomplish such an object. As to fisheries these colonies cannot interfere with all th< nations of the earth in reference to fishinj grounds. That can only be done by Great Britain in connection with us. We shal not have our Courts seizing coloured run servant?, and sending them bsck tc cruel .masters. We do not want a great Federal Executive Government. Let u: spend our own money in developing our own resources. Let us work tc make ourselves one Anglo-Saxon people, one important nation, without troubling others, or submitting ourselves directly or indirectly to their distant rule. (Sir George Grey resumed his seat amidst loud and protracted applause). Mr. J. M. Dakgayille said his task was a very easy one, for the simple reason that Sir G. Grey h»d delivered his speech. {Cheers and laughter.) He had received from the committee the circular inviting him to address that meeting. The subject he had decided to speak upon was the gnestion of the proposed Federation. Sir eorge-. Grey, however, had treated the subject in a complete and exhaustive manner. The subject was one of immense importance to the working classes. J*o doubt federation was a matter cf great interest. They were to a great extent, homogeneous as regarded climate. Tbev were coterminous as to boundaries. They eagerly desired cheap labour. Victoria, however, possessed this special feature: Under protection it had become largely a population of art;zans and manufacturing labour. ictoria had the greatest interest in extending its market for its produce. And the etiect of Federation would ultimately be to procure for Victoria what it wanted. It would be vain for free trade to compete with them. as regards coloured labour, Sir George Grey had spoken clearly and distinctly on this sub ject. The Federal Council would be supreme The limitation set upon the introduction of Chineie by local Legislatures might be set aside by this FederafCouucil. If the limitatation were removed (as probably it would) the colony would be overrun with every kind of coloured labour—Chinamen, Kanakas, coolies, and others. He told the meeting that the Parliament of New Zealand would not be competent to deal with this question. It would be next session a moribund Parliament. But certain magicians had raised their wands to keep the Government now in possession in power. At first they only soccetded by a tie ; acain they waved their wands, and they succeeded by a majority of one or two, and now the Government h&d a majority of twelve. He believed that the people, if the subject were referred to them, woald stand aloof from this federation. True, it might raise a fleet or an army, but it cannot fail to exercise the most vital influence upon the fiscal condition of the colonies. The Governor wonld only have to say to the Colonial Treasurer. " Pay the Federal Coun- I oil half a million for such and such a p:irpose." The effect of this would soon be apparent in a penny in the pound in some form of taxation. He (Mr. Dargaville) did not give the present Premier of New Zealand credit for a great deal of wiadoß. But he did not think the Premier would have committed the coiony to such enormous responsibilities. Let those who regard the question with interest regard Canada —or more in point, the State of .Newfoundland. If tha people were cot vigilant they would be robbed of important rights. Extraordinary influences had been exerted over the Parliament of New Zealand nntil it had ceased to represent the people. If the people allowed thenuelves to be caught n this noose they would not be able to release themselves. Large obligations would probably be incurred without con■ttlting the electors, but which the colony or tha people of the colony would have to meet. If there was any question of withdrawing from the position the answer wonld be " Too late." Australasia would refuse to allow New Zealaßd to withdraw, and the alternative might arise that Australasia would threaten to withdraw from Great Britain. This was a possible predicament, in which every man possessed an interest, and this was a matter above all others on which the people should have b»en consulted. (Cheers.) Mr. F. J. Moss addressed the meetiDg. He said it wonld take but a short time to give the prizes. He would no: oaer any lenathened address to the meeting. He would state •t oace that he believed the 100,000 convicts spoken of to be a bogie. He knew France and Frenchman very well, arid ha did not think they wonld drag themselves or their country thfrongh the dirt in the way indicated. He felt the greatest alarm when this question was first raised. He would "have a vote upon it whin it came up in Parliament, and he wonld speak upon it more iully when he should address his constituents, which would be very soon. He begged to refer to one cloud overhanging the working classes. Some perions were desirous of bringing forward a Bill to disfranchise Eome thousands oi persons in the Government service. They went to the Government to ask lor an opportunity to do so. The Government' replied that at that late period of the session they cou:d not weil do so. But they promised to do so next session. He deprecated the term " working men." All persons were working people mors or less. •' Working mm, ' so called, did best to watch the conduct of members of Parliament, who must be assumed to represent all classes of persons. Any serious fall in wages would be a calamity. The working men should watch the conduct oi their representatives in regard to immigration as well as other matters. They should watch every extension of taxation. If the working men would not fight lor their own rights, it was a hopeless for any one to attempt to assist them. (Cheers.) Mr. Hzslop moved, and Mr. Bach seconded, "Tnat. the warm thanks of this meeting be accorded to Sir George Grey, K.C.8., for his abls addrea?, just delivered ; also its hearty appreciation and thorough approval of the sound principles therein enunciated." The resolution was carried unanimously amidst loud cheerintr. Mr. C. Ki>"G moved, and it was seconded, " That this meeting unanimously accord a vote of sincere thanks to the representatives of Paraell and City West, Messrs. Moss and Dargaville, tor their speeches this evening, and for the deep interest they take in the eight hours' movement." The resolution was carried unanimously, amid cheers. Sir G. Gket, haviDg briefly returned thanks, moved a vote of thanks to the Mayor for presiding. Three cheers were given for Sir G. Grey, and three cheers for the Mayor, after which the meeting separated. A discharged sailor from the brig Fawn, named James Mitchell, was arrested by Sergeant McMahon on the 17th January on a charge of attempting to commit suicide by cutting hia throat with a razor. He was taken to Dr. Tenuent's surgery, where his injuries were attended to. At the monthly inspection parade of the City Guards held in the Drill-shed on the 23rd January, a presentation of medals and trophies was made to successful competitors. The first prize to the best shot in the company is presented to Volunteer J. Leigh. It is a massive silver ring, chased in the form of a wreath of laurels, and enclosing a gold plate with plain polished surface. The second prize is a handsome massive silver cross, with gold centre representing a shield and garter, and bearing the monogram of the winner, Volunteer B\con. The third prize, a very handsome Maltese cross with gold centrepiece bearing the monogram of the winner, was awarded for good attendance to Sergeant A. Bartley, the Secretary of the company. The Naval Artillery, in charge of Lieut. Smith, met at the Rifle Range on the ISth January for the purpose of tiring for the United Insurance Companies' prize of £25. The firing was very good, considering the heavy showers which fell during the match. The following are the prize-takers : —P.O. F. Smith, Ist prize and Insurauce medal; Seaman J. Savage, 2nd : P.O. Moulden, 3rd; Seaman Irving, 4th; P.O. J. Stanley, sth; Seaman Brannigan, 6:h : Seaman Fenton, 7th; Seaman Lepiue, Sth ; P.O. J. Clarke, 9th: Seaman F. Lamb, 10th ; P.O. E. Moore, 11th ; Seaman F. Thompson, 12th ; P.O. W. Murphy, 13th ; Seaman Mays, 14th ; Seaman Webb, lath. By the last English mail camt out the gold medals ior tho three young lads who attempted the rescue of tho late Professor Walter, at tho time that they succeeded in saving the life of Professor Tucker. Accompanying the medals was an excellent lithographic portrait for each boy. Those have been tastefully framed m ehonised and gold rames by Mr, Leecb, of Shortlaud-street,