THE NATIONAL DEFENCES.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XII, Issue 593, 16 July 1853, Page 8

THE NATIONAL DEFENCES.

That celebrated writer, "S.G.Q." hat addressed a letter to the Times on the necessity of having our nation in a proper state of defence. He is not an advocate' for war, bat would prevent it by being able; to resist it. This he argues on the principle that local measures of defence are necessary to preserve house and other property from burglars. His observations are important — " Now, sir, I who am not easily astonished, confess I should be so at any proposal from any sane body of men to the effect that we should cease to bar and bolt, burn our firearms, and dismiss our police. Locks, domestic arms, and police, are the safeguards of our homes, as individuals, but we have a common home besides that, from which we would keep the burglar. "What man has been to man, each man in his own country— ».e., an animal with man must live to watcb><£gpuntry is to country in this our common world. „ We have to lock out, bar out, and, if necessary, shoot the foreign invader of our land, just as we deal with the native invader of our home. Intheory war is horrible, and so is burglary. If nations would all act on Christian principles they would never go to war. We have a good nursery authority from which we could impress upon all nations that their barking at and biting each other is wicked — doglike. However.plain and easily illustrated is the principle of peace, there are naughty sovereigns, just as there are naughty children, and therefore nations do and will fight. As this is the case, and as the wealth and peace of a nation can be attacked and destroyed just the same as private wealth and peace, what is left to us, but to set up a system of national locking and barring and watching? " When burglars are about to examine the scullery and cellar windows, we try the fastenings of our doors, bang up bells to warn us, get dogs and police to watch for us, and go to bed in confidence that we are so prepared against attack that few are likely to attempt it. Just so ; surely it is the part of wisdom to look round our island walls and entrances, to see where an invader could get in to our hurt ; to learn the weakest, and therefore most tempting, spots, and take care to change their features that we may feel some confidence in their amended condition. We cannot walk the sea with a patrol, but we can float, in the shape of a navy, a good and sufficient vigilant armed police. We want something better than 30s. revolvers with which to meet armed trained invaders, so we must train and arm an army ready for their encounter. " No nation can flourish subject to alarm.' The very life of property ia security. Of all justifiable expense none is more -co than that which is applied to give a nation a sense of security to life, to freedom, to possession of rightful property. The decree of no man, the decrees of no body as to how nations should act, -will avail to make any nation feel that it is secure because it ought to be so. As to any argument against a vigorous effort at putting this land of ours in a complete state of defence, drawn from what the French Emperor has said — what may be his interest, the interest fit wish of his people, it is not worth one moment^ thought. It is childish to put the question on the narrow ground of present appearances, the will of one man, one generation of men. A land like our own must ever be an object of envy ; its wealth will be but too attractive. It needs not to talk of a neighbour's hereditary hate, or the wild ambition of a very bold, very powerful, very bad man. Under all circumstances nothing would tend more to real national good than the sense that we are so protected, as a nation, that within our circle we can enjoy the blessings of our own constitution, and behold unmoved the storms and threats of all who may have cause either to hate or envy us.

" It is because I think war horrible that I advocate the greatest necessary amount of protection against invasion. The amount of awful confusion of every interest we hold dear, the cruelty, the destruction to life and property which roust follow on the landing of an enemy, no one denies, any more than they would deny the horror of the Frimley night of murder. To feel secure against such a visitation of evil you must take the same measure of precaution against a national as you do against a domestic foe ; you must be prepared to make his task one of difficulty to accomplish — one of danger to attempt. "I am a man of peace; I respect Quakers — I love them for what they did in Ireland; but just as I would ahoet, and expect my servants to shoot, a burglar who invaded my house at night, just as Hive prepared to do so, would I have an army and navy, and every appliance at the nation's command, !equal to the task, and ready to perform it, of slaying those who, in invading us, would slay us on our resistance."