EMPIRE SERVICE LEAGUE

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume L, Issue 175, 5 October 1917, Page 2

EMPIRE SERVICE LEAGUE

MB, WtTHERBY'S PAPER. The following is the first and also the concluding portion of Mr Witherby's paper read at the meeting of the Empire Service League on Wednesday evening : JL hold—l hold more strongly than I can express in words—that there is a great moral purpose in this war. I believe that purpose is to make us a soberer, more thoughtful, and responsible people. Had 1 the time, and had you the patience to listen, 1 would give you my reasons for holding this belief — out for the present I ask_ you to accept it as a postulate. Now, if we once accept this postulate we are brought face to face with the logical result of it—which is this, that the war will not end in the way we all hope and resire until the moral purpose of it hasbeen attained.

Now I ask you to listen while I read you a very remarkable speech (it contains only 271 words) delivered over 50 years ago, by Abraham Lincoln to a vast concourse-of people who had met at a place named Gettsburg in the United States for the purpose to consecrating a national cemetery to those who had i'aiien in the great Civil War. And while I read this speach I want you to do two things. 1 want you to picture Lincoln as he stood on a raised platform surrounded by thousands of those who had lost relatives and friends in that war; and I also want you to transfer your thoughts from the Gettsburg battlefield to the rugged blood-soaked hills of Gallopoli and the battlefield of France where thousands of those we loved have laid down their lives in order that this Empire of ours might live. This is the speech:—".Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought j forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endui'e. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a. final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. 'But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we cannot consecrate —we cannot hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead who struggled here have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will nttle not or long remember what we say here, but it can never forget that they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is ratner for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before uts —that from these honoured dead we take increased devotion to that causo for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—tnat we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation., under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that • government of 'the people, for the people, snail not perish from the earth."'

This speech sums up the whole situation and points the road which we imi.4 follow it' we are. going to become worthy of the sacrifices which those who have died for us have made. We have got to dedicate ourselves. It is the only tiling that matters ; it is the thing that counts. Now is the psychological moment to do it because now is the psychological moment for reform. Everything at th'e present time is in the boiling pot. Wrong ideas and false and unworthy barriers are daily being smashed to pieces by a new light which is dawning in the minds of many people. It is the business of the .Empire Service League to get these people together into one body—no matter what their position, no matter what their creed, with great earnestness. I say to you that at the present time we are at the parting of the ways. 'We live in the vei*" crisis of the British race, for we must either go forward now—or _ go back. We are fighting for freedom. "vVe love our freedom. But if by freedom we mean we can do whatever : selfishness prompts us to do, we shall not only lose it, but we shall weaken, sicken> and die. Freedom does not mean this. It means responsibility. It "can only be won and kept through service to others'. We can never attain to perfect freedom because we can ''never attain to perfect service. But we can' at any rate go along the right road, not with sad ''faces and down cast eyes, but with rfea'l joy to ourselves and with help to others. And if we do this—if we try to do this —reach in our own vvayj keeping fundamental law always in' view J _then, I for one am certain, first that our outlook will 'become different, iind then that much which divides what is termed "class" from "class" will gradually vanish—till at last we stand as a' nation, united, one, a ; real power for good, and fit to face all winds that blow. The movement was started in this way. Early in the present year a small meeting of citizens of Hastings was held in- that town for an object which at the time was not capable of being expressed in words. Those present met in a common spirit. They felt certain evils existed in our midst which —particularly! in this crisis' of our national life —should not exist at all. They felt there was a deplorable sense of irresponsibility abroad. And they also felt that this war provided an opportunity for bringing about 'reforms Wliicli, before, might have been impossible. They formed themselves into ah association, which was for the moment. unnamed, and'l was asked to give an address or read a paper at the first meeting of thi s new association in \.u: wmsc of which I was to indicate the principles or methods. through the. practice .",' which, as I saw things, th.o we so desire could best be brought about. The paper I read was published at the request of the Association. It was published under the title of "What Freodom Means," and though I cannot honestly say I think there was, or is, anything particularly striking or new about it, it had a remarkable reception.' It was the astonishing reception of this paper that made me realise that a great number of people, who before ■uie war had not thought very seriously about anything which, apparently, did not immediately or materially "affectthem, were starting to think now. It struck me force and it strikes me still with great force, that now is the psychological moment for bringing about long needed change in our outlook and in our thoughts, and consequently in our habits'and our acts, and 1 conceived the idea that if it was possible to get a small group of people together to not only spread, increase, and build up from the ideas contained in th» paper, but to strive to practice them in their daily lives, a step in the right direction would be taken, for if on» group could be formed in one district, obviously other groups could be formed in other districts and so gradually a great body politic of men and women, irrespective of creed, would be -builtup which would directly influence what is termed "public opinion." Now this idea is really working out in practice. 'Several jjroups or branches of this league nave already beenformed 'and I hope this meeting will curry the' resolution I have .just moved to form due' ii> Nelson. I am going from hove 'to" (."hrisloliurch, and afterwards to Timaru, Duncdin and Invercargill and I hppft to successfully form branches in all these places. By March next it is likely there will be at least a dozen branches or sub-branches of this league in-New

Zealand and if the average membership of these branches is only 200, we shall have a general membership of 2500, all striving for the same object and all ready to hold out the hand of fellowship to each other. And if the league accomplish nothing more than this I 'suggest £o you that this alone would jus-, tify its existence.

But, as I am going to try and explain this evening the league' aims 'at aceomplis'hing far more than this. The broad practical aim of the league is to strive to bring home to the individual a greater and more lively sense of personal responsibility and to demonstrate that since, right dowri at bottom, our interests are one, what affects for good or ill other people, sooner or later directly affects ourselves. It is sometimes asked of me, Why a league is required for tin's purpose? It is sometimes pointed out to nie that we have too many leagu'es, and that peopTe are sick of them, and, in regard to this last point, I personally am inclined to agree. I regard New Zealand as a mass of different organisations, each labelled with its own particular label. What do* we see : Association, clubs, unions, societies, federations, leagues galore to say nothing of the various social sections in the community, all pulling, to a great extent, diffei-ent ways. It must appear somewhat of a. paradox mat, feeling this as I do I should be forming yet another league. And yet lam doing so. Why? Because a league is the only method of building up a great lay body of men and women, irrespective of creed" or position, who can link up and pledge themselves to endeavour in their daily lives, each in their own way, to carry out the principles set out as our "platform." . Because this .League brings people of different views together, all in agreement in what is nothing more or less than bedrock fundamental economic, law—and who would otherwise not be brought in touch with each other at all, because this League means a bond of alliance, a, great union for mutual advantage and progress. Because, if those who form it strive to do their bit, the efforts of one man are multiplied a thousand fold. And lastly, because if this (League is successful, and grows to mauhapd, it will prove such a unifying force that gradually the need for other leagues will in great part disappear. Awd this brings me to a point to which 1 desire to draw your attention. No league —however good ' its aim is—can long hold together as a league unless, in addition to the principles which its member.* will individually strive to practice, there is some practical concrete work to which it can devote itself and which will bring its members together. The individual act is. of ••nurse", all to th e good. As a matter of fact it is of tremendous importance, for clearly if we all really desire to reform and purify the State this could be done (and can be done) by our set- j ting to work \o individually reform ourselves. A man asked me the other day j whether the Empire Service League movement was a religious movement? I answered : It> my opinion it was. A few hours later 1 was asked : The Empire Service League movement is real- -- a citizen movement is it not?, and I i answered': In my opinion it was. I j answered both questions in the •aftii - - j mative. Why? Because real citizenj ship means true religion—or if you prefer it true religion necessitates real citizenship. The two are inseparable. How is it that this truth is not realised? How is it that the ethics of citizenship are not taught? The percentage "i men and women who have given serious thought to the matter appears to be very small indeed —and as to the younger generation (our children) they are told absolutely nothing about it. And yet the thing is vital. Our life is passing in a flash. The boys and : girls of to-day will to-morrow'be the ' rulers oi, this .wonderful little country! If 'we are true patriots, if we ! realise our responsibility the- very least ! we can do is to lit them to'rule it in a ! right wav. On page U of the pamI phltt "What Freedom Means" you will tiee that the Empire Service League is' urged to take practical steps to 'induce j all schools—public and private schools—to teach the principle of duty to ■ others, and the responsibilities of • citizenship to then- pupils. There is i very little doubt that' at present this , teacning is often wholly or partly lack-

in'g. ■"• V ! '• f am, of course, well aware that the subject is complex. I put it to you though that difficulties only exist m order to be overcome, and that -the' matter is vital. The greatest need of the day is • education : ort fundamental principles. • Most of the troubles we are suffering from at the present time directly arise from the fact that as individuals, and as a nation, we have wandered away frogv fundamental princi-. pies. Believe'"nil, if we are going to qet ferw"ard at'all we must get' back to fundamental principle. That we , ,e.: adult portion of"the population) should try and do this ourselves .is. of , immense "importance, but what is even more vital is that we should enable ■our children to do the same. It is to this particular question that' we desire to dedicate'the work of the ' Empire Service League as a league. '.lt the resolution' I luive moved is carried, the meeting will proceed to elect its offiwv? and committee. The leaflet and; form of membership for Nelson will'. Own be printed .and circulated..' The procedure o'f the branch should then."!; vu<T<rest, be this! Tirst. to call'a'meet-' ui<> "of clergy"," representing' evtery "Chuvcir c r " reliKJous'bodv. in "pufthfe aims and objects of'the League dea* | oeior e them, and ask! every immster to I cither preach a sermon on the 'movement or to niake reference, to the movement in kis\hureh/or to' hi« particular\coiV. cvegation, and ask liini rurthcr to <uW th„ distribution ' of the/Lcpguo.s , form of membership to be made at the doors of his church following on such reference. I am convinced • they wul 1 aladlv do it. In Hastims and Napier ■i I get representatives- of a.I the various i denominations of Vn e English church—thet is to say of what in England « ,tup established Church,-, the ■Methodist'. Baptist".' afld. Qonsregational i churches "aivl" the Catholic, • or as.it is. jomc'lin'ies termed the Roman Catholic •"'hureli into one room together, ana; 1 riir'n't lock the door !, There was no occasion to lock the door. _1 here was absolutely no secrecy m the matte They nad ail read '3 hat freedom Means" and they all without exception understood not only to" advise their several congregations to " read that paper, but to urge them to jo.U the Tn Wellington the same thing happened, 1 have here a letter from Arch- I bishop' Redwood and Archbishop O Shea which expresses cordial approval ol the Empire Service 'League movement. I lie} took -'.bout fCO cooies of 'my paper tor distribution in WelKnjton. And all the other copies for their congregations : also. r did not -press tiiem to take these copies. Tliey wished to take) tt'em Wliv? Because thev aoproved the movement. But why did they approve the movement? "Because the movement is founded on the practice ol fundamental principle, and because , the

churches realise onlv too .well {they- are* preaching it every'day) that unless we; all strive to practice fundamental principle in our daily lives —or in other words strive to : act as Christians—wo shall not onlv never be true Christians but never be worthy of the priceless heritage of freedom which the IJci' tish raro >..'«,« inherited. '. '';'■

The'refore, I say to you: approach the churches in this 1 matter, and auk thtem to do ■ lia't I suggest. I am certain. they will help you. You will find if they do, that trie forms of membership will go put to all denominations, arw that the Branch will become represontative not only of one class or denomina-. tion, but of all classes and all denomiiiaV tions. And I point out to you 'here how important it is—if the Branch is to be really representative of the. community —that what is called Labour should be represented in it. I hope *herc are many who are termed working me» here' this evening. If there are :I appeal to them to support me in • this thing. lam striving hard to malk« good come of it. I see a great chance—l feel instinctively there is to-day a teal practical prospect of making this movement a great power for good.. But tit can only be that if it is representative—and it" will not be representative, if Labour refuses to sec what I am.aiming at and holds aloof from it.