AUSTRALIA’S DUTY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17285, 28 September 1916, Page 2

AUSTRALIA’S DUTY.

MR HUGHES’S MANIFESTO. “ NOW IS THE HOUR,” [From Our Correspondent.] SYDNEY, September 20. In connection with the plebiscite to bo taken next month, and his campaign in support of an affirmative vote for conscription, Mr Hughes, the Prime Minister of the Commonwealth, has issued the following manifesto to the people of Australia:— Fellow Citizens,—

After more than two years of the most dreadful war the world lias known, Australia is called upon to face the tes;b of nationhood. We, boasting our freedom, are called upon to prove ourselves worthy to be free. Though Europe lias been drenched with blood,, innocent non-oombatants foully murdered or subjected to unspeakable outrages, millions of helpless men, women and little children driven from their homes, their beloved country ravaged by fire and sword, not the faintest breath of such honors has touched these favoured shores. Though many of our brave soldiers have died on the battlefield, the nation in its own home lias pursued its peaceful way as though war did not exist, secure and prosperous. But we, too, must now face the dread realities of war. We have made many sacrifices, but we •know nothing of the agonies which France, Belgium, Russia and. Serbia have endured. - KOW IS THE HOUR.

Now. when, after two years, the tido of battle,.which so long went with tho enemy, seems slowly but surely turning in <rnr favour, a supreme duty is laid upon the Commonwealth, and a supreme privilege offered to its citizens. The issue is yet undecided. Our great enemy Germany is as yet undefeated, her mighty military power yet unbroken. Victory can only bo achieved by a tremendous effort on the part of the Allies. And that effort must be made NOW. Now, while Austria is reeling under tho blows of Russia and Rumania'; now, while foot by foot Germany falls back before file Allies great offensive on the western front. Now, when to push on means victory, to relax our efforts ensures defeat. Now is the hour Australia is called upon to gird up her loins and make her great effort. Now is the hour in which, if wo but obey the call to duty, the enemy can be crushed, the war shortened, and triumphant victory and lasting peace ensured. Oar duty and our interest alike point the way we must go. I appeal to every individual citizen of Australia to sweep

aside the mists of indifference, error and misunderstanding, and face the great realities of the hour.

A SUPREME EFFORT THE PRICE OF VICTORY.

This is a war to the death, a fight to the finish. The future of Australia and the hopes of Australian democracy hang upon victory. We are called upon to do our share in the great offensive against our enemy. We are not called upon to do more than our share, but our share we must do. As the strain becomes greater so we must endure more and endeavour more.

The Empire and its Allies are making a supremo effort to crush the enemy. Britain is calling up more men. New Zealand is calling up more men. Canada is calling up more men. Upon us rests the same burden; we, too, m*ust make the same sacrifice. •

AUSTRALIA MUST DO HER SHARE. W T hat we are expected to do In tbia great hour has been stated in precise terms. Wo are to keep our five divisions up to their full strength. This: is a task neither beyond our power nor, beyond our due obligation. For September of this year 32,500 men are required, and for each subsequent ..month 16,500 men, to maintain our five divisions in the field. This is the task before us. and from it we ought not, must not, dare not shrink. Our only hope of national safety, of retaining our libei ties, lies in decisive victory by Britain and her Allies over the hosts

of military despotism. While our lives and liberties are at stake how can we do more than enough? But wo are not asked to do more than our share. Up to date we have sent over 220,000 men oversea and have 44,000 in camp. Tho total number of the British forces, excluding and Indian troops, is well oyer 6,000,000.

If Australia had done as well as Britain she would have an army of over 500,000 instead of one of under 300,000. But this is not all, for Britain has nearly 4,000,000 men helping to win the war by working at munitions and other work! That is to say Britain has put 9,000,000 men into this fight! And she is calling up more men! In the face of these facts, how can we say we are asked to do more than our share? WE MUST GET THE MEN. We must supply the men asked for. It is tile price we are asked to payfor our national existence and our' liberties. We must get the men, so much is certain. The question then is, How shall we get themP It is unfortunately only too apparent that the voluntary system of recruiting our armies does not ensure them. For months, indeed, the numbers of volunteers have been steadily diminishing. In June, July and August less than one-third of the number required have enrolled. If voluntarism falls, is the nation to fail, when to fail is to perish? No patriot can deny the necessity of reinforcements; no democrat can impugn the right of the nation to demand this duty from its citizens. Democracy and nationalism are one: The supreme

duty which a democrat owes to his country is to fight for it. Others may fight for dynasties and despots, hut Australians fight for Australia, for democracy against tyranny, liberty against oppression. Unless a nation fights for its liberties it can neither earn nor deserve them. THE DUTY OP DEMOCRACY—LINCOLN AND JAURES. In this great national crisis we must rise above all selfish and party interests. To the extent to which voluntarism fails compulsion must make good the deficiency. To those who see in compulsion a menace to democracy, labour and unionism, I address the glowing words of two of the greatest leaders of the people whom history has known —the late French Socialist leader, Jean Leon Jaures, and Abra--' ham Lincoln. Jaures wrote, before the outbreak of the war:— \ _ ‘ ‘ Socialists demand military service for everyone. . . . They wish to be iri the army. ... Democracy and nation-; ality are one. The organisation of national defence and the organisation of international peace are one and the same. . . . The working classes, if they refused to defend the independence of the nation, which means the freedom for their own self-development, would never have the strength to overcome capitalism.” Abraham Lincoln, defending the Conscription Act passed by Congress to reinforce by compulsion the Northern army during the American Civil War, when voluntarism had failed, said: — “ Men can be' had only voluntarily or involuntarily. We have ceased to obtain them voluntarily, and to obtain them involuntarily is the draft—the conscription. If you dispute the fact, and declare that men can still be had voluntarily in sufficient numbers, prove the assertion by yourselves volunteering in such numbers, and I shall gladly give up the draft. . . . The principle of the draft, which simply is involuntary or forced service, is not new. It has been practised in all ages of the world. Wherein is the peculiar hardship nowP Shall we shrink from the necessary means to maintain our free government? Are we degenerate? Has the manhood of our race run outP”

Here, then, in plain words, the voices of .the great dead speak to us, tho living.. Though separated by more than half a century, the great American democrat Lincoln and the great French Socialist Jaures speak with one voice and {joint the path of duty to every free man. THE TURNING POINT.

The compulsory draft was the turning point in the great Civil War. It proved to the South and the world that the Northern States were determined to conquer. Lincoln’s belief in liis fel-low-ctfuntrymen was justified. He asked of them a great sacrifice, and, realising that it was the price of liberty, they made it. They were not degenerate, but, proving themselves by readiness to make sacrifice worthy of freedom, achieved liberty.

As it. was in the northern States in Lincoln’s time, so it is with us today. Like them, we fight in the cause of liberty. Voluntaryism has failed us as it failed them. And we, like them —unless we confess ourselves degenerate—must tread the path they trod, along which they strode resistlessly to victory. . ■> VOLUNTARYISM AND THE GOVERNMENT PROPOSALS.

The proposals of tho Government do not destroy voluntaryism—rather do they stimulate it to a nobler effort. If it prove itself worthy, then tho need for compulsion ceases. But we must get the men. Australia must play her part in this great struggle. The proposals of the Government ensure this. On October 28 you will be asked this question:— “ Are you in favour of the Government having, in this grave emergency, the same compulsory powers over citizens in regard to requiring their military service, for the term of the war, outside the Commonwealth, as it now has in regard to military service within the Commonwealth?” COMPULSORY MILITARY SERVICE NOW THE LAW.

The ©lectors are asked to extend the present compulsory powers of the Government in regard to military service within the Commonwealth to military service abroad. Compulsory military service is no new principle with us. Ever since the Commonwealth has been established it has been the law. The Government now has power to call up all adult males between eighteen and

sixty and compel them to fight any-: where within the Commonwealth. Thia salutary law wae passed fifteen years ago, in order to ensure the defence of Australia. But the fate of Australia is now being decided on the battlefields of France, and it is there the Australian citizen must fight for his country, and thus preserve our own shores from the horrors which afflict Europe. THE DUTY OF AUSTRALIA TO HER! SOLDIERS, In great emergencies the welfare of 1 the State is the supreme law. The State now calk upon the individual to make a great sacrifice to lesson its heavy burden. In turn the State must prove by its deeds that it is worthy of such sacrifice. To every citizen soldier the State owes a sacred duty, which at all costs it must discharge. 'Hie care of them and their dependents

now ana m mo iuluiw rvs*v» uo, and we must discharge it in no niggard spirit. And there must he, too, as far as is humanly possible, equality of sacrifice. Wealth has its duties; it owes all it has to the State, and must be prepared, if neoessary, to sacrifice that all for the State. Many wealthy men have responded nobly to the call of duty; others have not. But no man can be allowed to. evade bis responsibilitios. And no man will b© allowed; to mate profit out of this great calamity which affeota the civilised world. FINANCIAL WAR POLICY. The financial war proposals of the Government will shortly bo set before you. But let me say now that in this; great crisis the policy of the Government will rest upon one great principle—the welfare of the State. What-

ever is necessary to bo done to defend Australia, to enable her to do her share in this great war, that we shall do, both as regards men and wealth. We shall not send men out of thi# country merely for the take of sending them, but onlv the number absolutely necessary to keep our forces up to their fighting strength. And in the .same way we shall not tax wealth merely ior the sake of taxing it, nor take from productive enterprise the capital necessary for carrying on the country during this war. But, in short of this point, we shall not hesitate to call upoij wealth to bear an equality of cacrifisa with manhood. There ought not to ha —there must not be—huge profits mad<

out of war. OUR DUTY TO AUSTRALIA, THE EMPIRE AND OUR ALLIES. Not only to ourselves do we owe the duty of supreme endeavour in the present crisis of the world’s affairs. e owe it to our gallant armies, wjjo daily rush into the very jaws of death, never doubting that the Australian people will stand behind them to the end. A\ o owe it to bur heroic dead, who nare already offered up their lives, upon the altar of their country. We owe it to Britain, to that mightv Navy, under whose broad wing we nave been, and are, securely sheltered, and to . those great and glorious armies of Britain who daily fight our battles. We owo it to the Allies, who have fought undismayed in the same cause that pro-

tects our freedom. Duty and national honour" alike beckon us on. What Australian will consent to partial withdrawal from this life and death struggle. "Who among you will approve a base abandonment of our Allies, of our kinsmen, and of our own fellow-citi-zens in the trenches? Belgium, whoso only crime was that she was a small peaceful nation, did not turn her back on duty, and, though trampled Beneath the iron heel of the _ despot, to-day stands as she did at Liege and Namur, resolute to die rather than surrender. France still stands firm and covered with glorv; and though the boues of her dead' sons litter the soil of their dear country like shells on the ocean beach, yet she is not dismayed, and will fight on to the last man. 1 THE CALL TO DUTY.

Fellow Citizens,—Your kinsmen an* your Allies across the sea look to you to do your duty. Your comrades in the Australian armies, whose glorious valour has covered the name of Australia with undying lustre, call to you to come and stand by their side. "Were Australia to fail on October 23 democracy and Labour would have, failed. But, Australia must not fall. In the name of Australian democracy, I adjure every man and woman in tho Commonwealth to vote “YES.”