HOME RULE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXIX, Issue 9993, 23 March 1893, Page 6

HOME RULE.

TO THE EDITOR.

Sir,— ln answer to “ Rathkealensis," all lovers ot liberty, of whatever creed, will decline, under the nickname of Home Rule, to submit to Papal supremacy. Irish Roman Catholics do not see things in the same light as other people who are free from priestcraft; and anyone who has ex* perienced their tender mercies would rather die fighting than trust them. They can only see for their own Church and its extension, and crush anything that would oppose it. Reforms have taken place in Ireland, and I hope there will be many more for both North and South. However, we want British rule, and shall have it. The disestablishment of the Irish Church proved a benefit even to that Church itself, putting them on their own merits. I cannot credit that Catholics do not get their share of tbe public billets and offices. I know the police in Ireland, as here, are principally Catholics. The priests are too keen to have their coffers filled to allow their devotees to be out of office. If the Catholics of the South had made as good use of their opportunities as the Loyalists of Ulster, they would have nothing to grumble about. —I am, &c., TRUE IRISHMAN.

TO THE EDITOR. Sir,—ln reply to “ Protestant ” in last week's issue, he says the Unionists may piny the tune, but the people of Great Britain (which mesne England, Scotland and Wales) will not dance to it. I wish to point out to "Protestant'' that they have steady daaoed- to it or else fckelriah d^

not want Home Rule. As there are about eighty Nationalist members for Ireland, and Mr Gladstone has only a majority of about forty-one. Great Britain must either have danced to the tune of the Unionists or Ireland itself has rejected Home Eule. This is quite clear. Now as regards the forty of a majority, perhaps it will afford food for reflection to " Protestant ” and those holding the same views, to state who they are, and what they are conspicuous for in the eyes of the British public. These forty of a majority were convicted before the Barnell Commission that they did (1) enter into a conspiracy by a system of intimidation and coercion to promote an agitation for the purpose of expelling the English garrison; (2) disseminate newspapers inciting to the commission of crime i (3) incite to intimidation with the consapuence that crime and outrage were i»mmitted by the persona incited; (4) in the system of intimidation which led to crime and- outrage, with knowledge of its effects, (5) made payments to compensate persons who had been injured in the commission of crime ; (6) invited and obtained the assistance of the force party in America, including tue Clan-na-Gael, and in order to obtain that assistance abstained from repudiating or condemning the action of that party. As regards the forty-first, he is Michael Davitt, the Fenian ex-convict, who was further convicted by the same Commission of having joined the Land League, with the intention to bring about the absolute independence of Ireland as ’ a separate nation ; of having received money from a fund which had been contributed for the purpose of outrage and crime—viz., the skirmishing fund—-and of having been in close and intimate association with the party of violence in America. I have the names of the forty before me to whom I have lust referred, but do not think it necessary to publish them. But I will quote an observation by Mr Eudyard Kipling. Ha says : " You are not ruled by murderers, but their friends.” At the present moment the whole British Empire is controlled by men against whom the record stands proved by the strictest rules of legal evidence. Surely these facts should be sufficient to convince even " Protestant ” and New Zealanders generally that Great Britain does not want Home Buie under such a class of men as these. As regards the Income tax assessment, let me quote Mr Gladstone’s own figures to show “ Protestant ” I am not bigoted. But first tace cue populations of the different Counties. Ulster, 1,617,817, is more than a third greater than that' of Leinster, 1,195,718, or Munster, 1,168,994, and more than double that of Connaught, 728,623. The greater the divisor, the smaller, of course, the quotient. Now, Mr Gladstone’s figures, which I have before me:—“The assessment of Leinster, at £lO 6s 9d per bead, is .£12,360,734; Munster, at £6 0a 7d, is £7,470,059; that of Ulster, at £5 14s 3d, is £9,242,121. The Customs and excise of Belfast in lb9l was £2,247,000.” When it is remembered that the total revenue of Ireland, including Stamps, Property and Income tax, is some £7,500,000, it is noteworthy that Belfast in respect of two items should contribute almost a third of it. Of course we all know that Leinster includes Dublin and* the seat of Government, and of the High Courts of Justice. In Dublin are the head offices of the Bank of Ireland, and of most of the principal Irish railways. Income tax is paid in Dublin on the salaries of every Irish Government official, on all the Government stocks paid through the Bank of Ireland, on all the dividends of the railways connecting Dublin with the Provinces. The wonder to any thoughtful reader is that Leinster’s assessment over Ulster’s is not three times as great as it is. Looking at the valuation of the four Provinces, we find that of Leinster to be £4,756,001; of Ulster, £4.468,591; of Munster, £3,373,242; of Connaught, £1,435,761. Ulster’s valuation is thus seen to be not far short of those of Munster and Connaught combined. It is noteworthy that the valuation of Antrim and Down is £2,167,564, almost one-half of the total Ulster valuation. “ Protestant ” points out that the better class of houses over £l2 are in Leinster, but he forgets to mention a very significant fact that in Dublin, the capital, as I have above quoted, centres all the commercial, Government and official positions of the Provinces, which simply and satisfactorily explains and accounts for the value of holdings in Leinster. The small holdings in Ulster referred to by "Protestant” in Ms letter are easily accounted for, as he will notice Antrim and Down (the most part Protestant) pay nearly half of Ulster’s assessment; and Donegal, one of the most northern Counties (majority Catholics) is the possessor of the majority of small holding- Of course Boman Catholics prefer Protestants to represent them as long as tney support their cause, and why P Because thev know they can trust them. If “Protestant” will read over my reply to Mr Mosley, I think he will be convinced where some of the persecution of Ulster would come in. In reply to “E.K.,” he says, " a curious incident took place in the House of Commons last session,” and so on, his main pJnfc being that Catholics did not receive due consideration at the hands of the Corporation of Belfast, a Bill being brought in to confer on Belfast Corporation similar powers to those held by the Corporations of Dublin, Cork and Limerick, these places being Catholic. The Catholics objected to this. Now, mark “ B.X.’s ” consistency, by his own showing. He is not prepared to give Protestant Belfast the same rights that are enjoyed by Catholic Dublin, Cork and Limerick. Let me ask, if Catholics had the power over Ireland, where would Protestant freedom be in the hands of such beautiful consistency as this ? A Select Committee was formed, consisting of Unionists, Nationalists, Liberals and one solitary Tory, to enquire into Catholic grievances in Belfast. The Roman Catholic Bishop, before the Commission, could mention no case where the local Justice had done injustice to Catholics in the matter of committal to the Industrial Schools, and yet the Industrial School question was the chief Mint of - Ms - -coj»ioa m

that the Belfast Corporation must ba bad, because it is Protestant. ,170' wonder the Bishop was reprimanded l for coming before the Commission and making a reflection on tha Corporation which he could not substantiate by proofs. In answer to " B.K/s ” remarks “ that there were only three Catholics employed in the Town Council; but mark, a'considerable; majority were in the workhouse"—l wish to set him right. TUe wages actually paid; to Catholics in Belfast Borough in 1891' was £16,000, and well within the mark. A scrutiny of the wages-sheet, which I have before me, reveals the fact that the Catholics in the survey department - receive annually £SOOO out of the rates, those in the scavenging department receive £4OOO, and those in the gasworks £7OOO. It was publicly announced in 1892 that the Protestants pay 17s 6d in the £1 towards the maintenance of the workhouse and the requirements of the poor law system ; and this is not all, for while the Boman Catholics of Belfast contribute only 2s 6d in the £ for pauper relief, they cost 10s in the £ for expenditure. These are a few facts worth considering. Everyone knows that in Belfast the class of inhabitants' from which candidates for skilled clerkship usually come are the Protestant class, that from which scavengers are largely recruited-, is the Roman Catholic class. Now, to hold the Corporation responsible for the humble social grade of the Roman Catholic population (as “E.K.” wishes us to believe), generally speaking, of course, would be ridiculous. The Aldermen and Councillors are not self-elected in Belfast. They have to come before the electors, with whom it rests to refuse or choose, therefore the religious and political phases of the Local Board are determined by those who are; qualified by statute to exercise electoral functions. The Boman .Catholics conveniently forgot to mention before the Commission how many of them were Catholic electors or ratepayers, small and great, and what proportion they pay in relation to poor rates. I have quoted above. Protestantism has made Belfast what it is, and without Protestant employers and their capital I should like to know what would become of the 70,009 Boman Catholics. Under the Protestant Corporation Belfast has prospered, and that with less advantages than several. Catholic cities I could name. The Protestants do not require the Catholics’ counsel to ensure the administration of their several trusts, and will not allow local institutions to be assailed merely because they are Protestants.—l am, &0., PROTESTANT WOMAN. [Future letters on this subject must ba condensed.— Ed. L.T.]