LYTTELTON COLONISTS' SOCIETY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 79, 10 July 1852, Page 7

LYTTELTON COLONISTS' SOCIETY.

The following subjects will be submitted to the society on Wednesday evening the 14th :—

1. Election of Committee and Officers.

2. Mr. Cholmondeley's proposition. — That a Committee be appointed to report upon the Provincial Constitution, lately proclaimed by his Excellency the Governor of New Zealand, and upon the steps which should be taken by the people of this settlement with respect to it.

3. Mr. Compton's proposition.—That our Chairman be requested to communicate with the Gover-hor-in-Chief on the subject of the great inconvenience resulting from the Commissioner of Crown Lands' residence beiug in such a remote place as Akaroa, and requesting that the office involving such a heavy expense to the settlement, be altogether abolished, or transferred to some more central position.

The following names have been affixed in the reading-room, proposed as officers and Committee. Chairman, Mr. Godley; Vice-Chairmen, Mr. Fitzgerald and Dr. Donald; Secretary, Mr. Alport, Dr. Donald, and Mr. Spowers; Committee, Messrs. Alport, Allwright, Bayiield, Birch, Cholmondeley, Cookson/J. T., Cridland, Cass, Donald, Deny, Davis, Boland, Davis, Richard, Graham, W., Gosling, Genet, Godfrey, Hamilton, Hare, Harvey, Isles, Joslin, Luck, Longden, Mountfort, 8., Mason, F., Minifie, Pratt, Paul, Rev. Mr., Reader, Rutland, Spowers, Simeon, Capt., Smith, W. P., Swinbourne, Townsend, Thomas, Thornton, Toomath, Varyer, Willcox, White, A. E. Dr. Donald and Mr. Spowers have notified their inability to stand for the office of secretary. Members are particularly requested to have their balloting papers prepared ready for election. The Reading Room is very comfortably fitted up, and furnished already with a goodly number of English, Colonial, and Local Journals. It has been well attended, considering the inclement weather we have lately had.

CHRISTCHURCH, July Bth,

(From a Correspondent.)

A Meeting of our Colonists' Society was held on Saturday, when Committees were formed to " inquire and report upon the probable cost and best means of erecting such a building as the Society may require," and "of procuring a site" for the same .-also to "ascertain what amount of contributions, as donations, can be obtained towards erecting a building-, either in money, labour, or materials." At our next meeting on Tuesday evening, the following subjects will be submitted: "any further information relating to the Provincial Councils' Ordinance, the steps to be taken for the establishment for an authorized branch of the Post Office in Christchurch, and for the more regular transmission of the mails between this Town and the Port, and the report of the Building Committee."

The meeting to promote an Athenasum takes place to-morrow (Friday) Evening. It is called at the instigation of 12 gentlemen, and has created some sensation, it being regarded as a purposed opposition to the Colonists' Society, though probably the majority of its invokers would negative the idea. It is, however, unquestioned that its prime originator is a gentleman who has rendered himself conspicuous by his opposition to the Colonists' Society, after having lent the influence of his name, and position, to its formation. A very general feeling prevails that an amalgamation of the two Societies is easily accomplishable, if people would be guided by their own good sense, and refrain from being led away by the plausible assumptions of an iiidividiial minority. The questions of an authorized Post Office, and the regular transmission of letters, &c, between the Port and Plains, so directly affect all classes, that union is desirable to their speedy accomplishment. I am happy to state that an Agricultural Society has been formed, or rather, has been incorporated with the Botanical and Horticultural Society. It is proposed that during the year there shall be at least one exhibition for live Stock of all descriptions, and two for Agricultural and Horticultural productions, at which premiums will be awarded. This is as it should be, and it is to be hoped that from the encouragement held out by the Society in the shape of premiums, and from the valuable information for " Garden and Farm operations," afforded by W. W. in the Guardian, Agriculturists will bestir themselves, and prove their appreciation of the interest taken in their affairs by corresponding efforts on their side.

MR. GODLEY'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS TO THE LYTTELTON COLONISTS' SOCIETY.

[We fulfil the promise given in our last, of publishing in extenso Mr. Godley's address on the 30th

June.]

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The committee who were appointed to make provisional arrangements for establishing the Lyttelton Colonists' Society have requested me to explain publicly the nature and objects of the Society in order to justify and recommend so far as may be possible, its constitution and pretensions. I purpose to do so on two separate grounds: Ist, that the institution we are forming is framed after the model of those which have been tried and found useful in the mothercountry ; and 2nd, that it is peculiarly suited to the peculiar characteristics and tendencies of a colonial community.

Upon the first of these points I need not enlarge. Most of you are aware that institutions more or less similar in character to this, have now for a long time been established in England under the names of Mechanics' Institutes, Athenaeums, Literary Asso-; ciations, and various other titles; that they have attained a wide extension, and exercised a very considerable influence. It would appear, indeed, that such institutions spring naturally and necessarily out of the tendencies of modern English Society. The direction of all changes and of all progress in countries inhabited by the Anglo-Saxon race is towards conferring more and more power on the masses of the people. But all such changes must be absolutely noxious; all such progress must be from bad to worse ; unless they be ibunded^on a corresponding advance of the people themselves in knowledge and enlightenment. The instruction of the people, therefore, which was formerly a boon to one class, is now felt to be a necessity for the sake of all classes. We cannot afford to let political power fall into the hands of barbarism and ig- . norance. If the people are to govern, they must learn. But while on this part of my subject, I wish especially to call your attention to the fact, that the aristocracy of England, whose peculiar merit it is that they know how' to march with, the progress of their age, have perceived the necessity of new and improved machinery for the education of the people, and have joined largely in working it. I rejoice to see men of rank, station, and ability, such men as Lord Carlisle, our own Lord Lyttelton, and many others of their order, coining forward boldly" and nobly as popular instructors; volunteering their personal services to lecture and to teach at institutions like the present. If it be true, as I have understood, that Mechanics' Institutes have lately declined in numbers and in funds at home, that result is, I think, chiefly if not altogether attributable to two causes which do not affect us here. In the first place, I think the subscriptions required in mechanics' institutes were too high, in proportion to the average rate of wages among the working classes; I mean, taking into consideration that large numbers of them are occasionally, for considerable periods, out of work. Although, therefore, at the first blush of the thing, when there was a good deal of enthusiasm about it, they enrolled their names, they afterwards were unable, or found it inconvenient, to keep up their subscriptions. Secondly, the long hours of work which are customary in England not only interfere seriously with the workman's ability and inclination to engage in pursuits which involve any physical or mental exertion in the evenings, but in truth leave him but little time for such pursuits. In the present case, no such reasons can be alleged for not joining onr society. The subscription which we demand is, when compared with the current rate of wages, merely nominal; such, in fact, as that no individual in the community could possibly miss it; while colonial hours of work are not so long but that they certainly admit of the workman's devoting an hour or two occasionally to the improvement of his mind, without encroaching either on necessary rest, or on the discharge of domestic duties.

I wish next to state some reasons for thinking these institutions peculiarly well suited to our circumstances and our wauts, as colonists. To begin with, I hold, paradoxical as it may appear, that the besetting1 sin of all society in a new country, is—not idleness, but industry ; or rather, (to put this proposition in a less startling; form,) that society suffers as much by men

working too much, as by their working too little. You knoAV what the old proverb says "all work and no play" makes people, and I am always afraid of our exemplifying its truth. I am always afraid of our becoming very " dull boys." Of course, you understand me; when I talk of too much work, I do not mean work in its widest and highest sense, as embracing, and operating upon the whole domain of nature and art, and as signifying the exercise of every faculty of man; his imagination, his intellect and his heart; his soul, and his body. Of work, so understood, there can never be too much; for in this sense, the secret of civilization, the key to progress, the primary law of God's universe, is work. My idea of the state of perfection towards which man ought to be tending and striving is that of a state where all should be workers and none should be drones ; a state where every one in his sphere and according to his ability, should be ever contributing to the consummation of the universal work for which man was created and made. Do notfor a moment suppose then that I advocate indolence, or that I undervalue the nobleness of work. All I mean to say is that there may be too much of merely mechanical work, of work devoted to the sole purpose of making money, and providing the body with creature comforts ; that there may be too much wool growing, too much storekeeping, too much wood-cutting, too much digging, to the neglect and exclusion of pursuits ■which tend to cultivate the intellect and purify the heart. That Divine saying " man doth not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God "is susceptible (if I may say so without presumption,) of a far wider application than at first sight appears. What, I ask you, are the glories of nature and the treasures of art—what are the gifts of genius and the wonders of science, but " words proceeding out of the mouth of God" —words to which we are bound to listen, words which it is our duty to interpret and to obey, words which it is a siu against God to disregard and to forget in the pursuit of " bread alone"? I know how invidious it is to hold such language to hard-working, hard-faring, men. I know how easy it is for them to turn upon me, if so disposed, and to reply " it is all very well for you to talk, but how are working men to find time for such things?" The retort is plausible, but unsound. I must repeat that no man anywhere, least of all any man here, is justified in saying that he can afford no time for improving his mind, and cultivating his taste. There are unlimited degrees, of course, in the amount of improvement and cultivation which men can find time for; but all men can afford some time, men in a new country can afford plenty of time, for objects of the character I speak of. Depend upon it, your happiness will be greater, your conscience lighter, your cares fewer, if you determine to spend some portion of your time and faculties and means in communing with the spiritual world ; if you will occasionally forget for a while the present, and enter into relations with the past and the future; if you will recollect at times that what we see and hear and touch constitutes but a small, part of the realities among which we live, and which shall endure when time shall be no more.

Knowing-, I say, how adverse the prevailing current of tone and sentiment in a colonial community is to the view which I am advocating, I rejoice exceedingly whenever any incident occurs to interrupt the ordinary course of that current, and to force us as it were to keep a sabbath or a jubilee. For example, I appeal to those among you who were present the other day on the solemn occasion of laying the cor-ner-stone of our first church, when there was a general suspension of business in our little town, and almost every one seemed more or less, to keep a religious holiday. Did you not feel that the time was well spent, and that it was good for you to be there? While you watched the performance of the church's rites, while you listened to the words of her services, while you observed the earnest attention of the surrounding crowd, and thought of the holy work that was in hand, did you not feel for the moment carried away and elevated, as it were, beyond and above yourselves ? Were you not transported in imagination to the scenes of your childhood and your home, with all the tender and sacred recollections attached to them ? Did you not hear the chime of the bells? Did you not seethe spire among the trees ? Did you not wander through the green churchyards where those whom you have loved

and lost are sleeping? And as the illusion passed away, and the reality came back to you, could you fail to turn in thankfulness of soul to the God of your fathers, who had brought you from the ends of the earth to found a new branch of the ancient church to his glory and honour here ? lam sure the impression produced by such scenes is real, though it may be but too fleeting; lam sure it leaves, on many a heart, au elevating and sanctifying influence behind it. There is nothing of course in the enterprise in which we are just now engaged that is calculated to excite the imagination or to touch the heart, like the religious ceremony to which I have just referred; but it may so far be classed under the same category for the purposes of my argument, that the "primary object of its promoters has been to interest the people by its means in subjects of a nature removed in some respects from the sphere of their ordinary business ; such subjects as philosophy, history, politics, science, and art. Our object is to impart useful information, and to educate public opinion, on subjects of general interest; and we propose that this should be done by every legitimate and available method ; by means of books, of newspapers, of lectures, and of discussions. We wish to lay the first stone of a great educational institution, which shall grow with our growth, and strengthen with our strength ; and we more especially wish to base it on sound, comprehensive, and durable principles, because we feel that the founders of a new nation have a vast burden of responsibility laid upon them. In fact, they can do nothing of a public nature for themselves alone; nothing, therefore, of which it can be said that it is of trifling importance. As the twig is bent, the tree will grow. Incalculable results lie hid in every step we take, and nations yet unborn may rue through ages the consequences of our errors and our sins. This thought should be perpetually present with us, not to daunt, but to encourage. As is the responsibility to be borne, so is the honour to be won. It is but at rare intervals in the world's history that so great opportunities are offered to such as we are. Let us shew ourselves not unworthy of, not unequal to, our high vocation. I have said that a Society such as this meets the special requirements of a colonial community. It appears to me, besides, especially adapted to the circumstances of our present political position. You are all aware that we hope within a few months to enjoy the privilege of managing our own public affairs. Now, whatever effects the expected change may produce, of this at least there can be no doubt—that it will immensely increase our obligations and our responsibilities. Within a very short time almost every man here present will have to make up his mind at least on one most important point; namely, as to whom he would like to represent his opinions in the legislature of his country. Now, to do this well, to do it decently, he" ought to have some general ideas about the matters with which that representative will have to deal. Of course it is not to be expected that men living by manual labour should go very deeply into questions of government and legislation/ Of course the choice of a popular constituency must be, to a great extent, a matter of personal confidence ; but that confidence should be founded upon reason ; those who give it should be able, in some measure, to comprehend and appreciate the arguments addressed to them by contending candidates; and how can they do this unlesl they inquire a little beforehand into the questions on which their suffrages will be asked, and nearly all of which are necessarily new to them now? The approaching concession, then, of large political privileges to you who have hitherto had none, and your necessary ignorance of most of the circumstances connected with this new and strange country which you are called upon to people and to govern, should lead you eagerly to seize every opportunity of acquiring knowledge and information.

Again ; not only the wide extent to which political power will probably be diffused here, (that is, the lowness of the qualification attached to the franchise,) but, yet more, the natural equality of conditions and of influence existing in this country, make the diffusion of knowledge among our people particularly necessary. In England, the wealthy and educated classes are so numerous and powerful, and there are so many checks on rash and hasty legislation, that the baneful effects of popular'ignorance on government are, comparatively speaking, little felt. Here the antidote is wanting. Of necessity the immigration to a distant colony of men who

have had a political education, and of men commanding extensive influence by wealth, or positioner personal reputation,is proportionally small. There is necessarily, therefore, a tendency to make the power of mere numbers more felt, and other powers less felt, than in older countries. It may be doubted whether in old countries universal suffrage be not favourable to the interests of an oligarchy or a despotism. Recent events in France would seem to countenance such an expectation. But here it must mean real democracy, because no machinery exists for turning it to any other than democratical purposes'. These peculiarities of our social condition, rendering it, as they do, morally certain that the masses (to use the modern phrase) will be the real depositaries of political power, suvely constitute so many arguments for enabling the masses, by every possible means, to exercise that power with reason, moderation, and forethought. You will probably think I have said more than enough about the necessity of popular instruction, a point upon which it is a good deal more usual to assent in words than to feel strongly or act consistently. It is time that I should speak somewhat more fully of the form and incidents of the society which we wish to establish for the purpose of promoting it. With this view it may be convenient, perhaps, that I should briefly recapitulate the circumstances which led to its formation.

Most of you know that it [was determined some little time ago by the gentlemen composing the Society of Land Purchasers to dissolve that society, and attempt to reconstitute it upon a new basis. It is not necessary for me to offer any opinion upon the wisdom and desirableness of this course, but I cannot refrain from taking this opportunity of publicly expressing my cordial and sincere thanks to the gentlemen I have referred to, for the constant and valuable assistance I received from their advice and cooperation in carrying on the business of this settlement. Whatever might be the extent to which the body called the Society of Land Purchasers represented the people of this settlement, or any particular class of the people, and whatever opinion may be formed as to the direct advantage which the people derived from its existence, there can be no doubt at least that it comprehended most of those who took an active interest in public affairs, or who had displayed capacity for dealing with them ; and I need not say how valuable to me was the opportunity of consulting periodically twelve gentlemen, such as their Council consisted of, men of intelligence and information, coming from different parts of the settlement, and in the habit of meeting people of all avocations and of various opinions. However, for reasons satisfactory to themselves, and which have been ably explained by them at different times, they thought proper to dissolve their society, and to attempt its reconstruction on the footing of a popular body formed for the sole purpose of political discussion. The moment I was made aware of this intention, I saw the great and obvious difficulties attending the formation of such a society as they contemplated. It is unnecessary that I should enlarge upon those difficulties: I will just specify one, which appears to me to be the master" difficulty. It is this: that there seemed to the public no prospect of connecting the proposed discussions with any tangible and practical result. People would be sure to think (if I may use a vulgar phrase) that nothing would come of them. I don't mean to say that I agree with this view, because I think that even upon an irresponsible and despotic Government, like that under which we live, an expression of public opinion is never altogether without effect, and I am always glad to see opportunities afforded for calm and dispassionate discussion on public affairs, as a means of educating public opinion. Still, I see clearly that so indirect and doubtful a process for compassing political ends would never seem to the general public worth taking much trouble about, still less worth paying any money for. This, I must take leave to say, was, in my opinion, the chief source of weakness which affected the society of land purchasers itself, and not, as its members seem to have supposed, their defective franchise. If they had had the power of decisively and imperatively influencing the policy of the Association, instead of depending f or their influence entirely on the will and pleasure of the Association itself or its Agent; in other words, if they had constituted a real and substantive power in the community, their limited franchise would never have prevented interest from being felt in their

discussions ; there would have been no cause to complain that their constituency fell off, or that their funds were deficient. Now, if this view be correct, the same source of weakness which affected the old society would also affect the new one. If land purchasers did not think it worth while to belong to the one, the people generally would not think it worth while to belong to the other. If the public took but a slight interest in the proceedings of the smaller, they would be equally apathetic about those of the larger body, simply because they would anticipate as the result of such proceedings only barren and inoperative debates. I say that foreseeing, as I did, the obstacles to the formation of a mere political debating society which should embrace any large proportion of the people, and at the same time very reluctant as I was to abandon the undeniable advantages attending upon habitual discussion of public affairs, I heard with great pleasure a suggestion that the idea of the proposed institution should be enlarged: that it should propose to itself the promotion of public instruction on all subjects ; and especially that it should combine with the advantages of political discussion the more general attractiveness of a literary and scientific institution. There appeared nothing more incompatible—on the contrary, there was a natural and obvious connection—between the institution as originally projected, and that finally adopted; inasmuch as a principal idea in both is the diffusion of knowledge and the education of opinion ; in one, it was proposed to accomplish this by discussion and debate alone ; in the other, by books, newspapers, and lectures also. To different classes of minds, different modes of communicating instruction may be suitable and profitable, but there seems no d priori reason why these different classes should keep apart from each other; no reason why a man who prefers books should refuse all connexion with the news-room, or why a votary of newspapers should abjure lectures and discussion ; while there are many excellentreasons for their common action. Newspapers are very good in their way,and so are books"; but there are many persons most anxious to learn, whose cases they will not meet; because unfortunately those persons cannot read with sufficient facility to interest their' attention continuously. Besides, books, and even newspapers are not to be procured in this country with the same facility and cheapness as at home. An institution, therefore, proposing to diffuse knowledge by means of literature alone, is in danger of becoming exclusively made use of by the cultivated and opulent classes ; the classes, in short, whom it is least important to provide instruction for. Oral instruction, on the contrary,—that is, instruction by means of speeches, a method which has been employed with great success in all ages and countries, appears particularly well suited to the circumstances of a community like ours, where few have much leisure, few possess advanced education, and, above all, where literary productions are rarely and with difficulty procured.

I dwell on this topic because I understand that at Christchurch the attempt to form an association for these purposes which should embrace all classes of the population, and be truly entitled thereby to the name of "The Colonists' Society" lias to a certain extent failed ; that is, that two societies are to be founded to perform the functions which we propose to perform with one. It would be impertinent in me to pronounce with whom the blame of this failure rests, or whether in truth blame attaches to any one. But I may be permitted without presumption to say that I regret it, not merely because in a small and poor community like this, unnecessary .multiplication and separation of associated bodies involve a waste of funds, of machinery and of individuals' time, but, still more, because under existing circumstances they cannot fail to produce ill-feeling and mutual repulsion. Unless the scopes and objects of the two societies be kapt perfectly distinct and apart, (which I hardly think possible in the present case,) they will start decidedly in opposition to each other, and perhaps lay a foundation for lasting antagonism and animosity. Especially is this to be feared, if anything like a class- feeling be mixed up in the matter, that is, if there be a likelihood that the two bodies will be recruited chiefly from different classes of society. It appears to me that institutions like these form a particularly jrood common ground on which the whole community may meet. We all want instruction of some kind ; if a man learns nothing else by joining them, he learns at least to know the feelings and opinions of the community in which he lives, and he learns his proper place in that community. For my own part, I am no great admirer of, no great believer in, the modern doctrines of equality. I am very much

disposed to think that the most natural and wholesome state of society is that in which a marked distinction of ranks and outward conditions corresponds with the inevitable differences in education, character, and vocation or work. But I should be blind indeed if I did not see that no such external inequalities can be long maintained, even if they were worth maintaining, in these days, which are not supported by real, personal superiority, asserted by a manly and generous rivalry in the fair field of the world's conflicts. On the other hand, lam bound to remind you \ that the working classes have also a duty to perform it respect of this matter. If the experiment of amalgamating all classes of our population in one educational society is to succeed, it must be through the practice of decorum and self-restraint and propriety of conduct on the part of all. As we have started on the principle of " no property qualification," it is the more incumbent on us to preserve and enforce a moral qualification. lam sure you will not misunderstand me, or suppose that because I speak thus, I have any serious apprehension that my warning is needed. But it is my duty to give it nevertheless.

1 will now consider the main objection which has been made to our proceedings, on the ground that we combine what are said to be incompatible objects ; the objects of a Mechanics' Institute, and those of a political Society. lam not quite sure whether the objection is generally made to the admission of politics at all, or only to the treatment of politics in the way of debate and discussion. But I will assume the former to be the case, and that the admixture of politics at all, in any way, with the literary department of the institution is objected to. If so, I think I have a right to say that the burden of proof is on those who hold this view. I think they are bound to show on very conclusive grounds, why they would attempt to exclude from a society instituted professedly for the purpose of promoting popular instruction on subjects of general interest, one subject, and that the subject (next to religion,) most generally interesting. But the fact is they cannot, nor do they in fact intend, to exclude politics. Suppose we call ourselves a purely literary society. Well! I never heard of a literary society which excluded from its library books, or from its news-room journals, tha treated of politics. The very notion is absurd What is really meant then comes to this—that a literary institution should promote and encourage the study of politics, so far as regards reading and thinking, but that it should prohibit speaking about them. But suppose we try to draw this somewhat arbitrary line—we are met by another difficulty. What are politics ? How will you define, for the purpose of excluding, them ? The term politics, if you come to consider it accurately, is only another word for "subjects of general interest, 1' because all such subjects necessarily become at some time or other, matters for political treatment, and are comprehended therefore in political science. It would be literally impossible therefore to speak on any subject with which the politician has no concern, and which therefore can properly be said to have no connexion with politics. It may be said that this reasoning is too finer-drawn, and that though it be impossible in theory to distinguish political from literary and scientific subjects, yet in practice the distinction is felt and acted upon. I do not think so—attempts are constantly made to do so, but I deny that they are successful. The distinction is not real or practical, and you cannot carry it out. In many countries the fine arts constitute an important political department, and statesmen differ and quarrel about them far more than about war and peace, democracy and despotism. In our own country questions of exact science, such as the broad and narrow guage, the application of electricity to communications, and many others which will easily suggest themselves to you, have often formed subjects of deliberation and decision for British statesmen and law-givers, and have thereby become political. Of course, the case is doubly strong as respects history, theology, and other subjects of that nature. How could I lecture upon the history of New Zealand without giving you politics in every line? How is Mr. Paul to lecture on the Reformation of the 16th century without being political 1 1 believe the idea of the Athenaeum in Wellington is that politics are not to be introduced—Well !it so happens that in the last Wellington paper I took up I saw a notice to the effect that a gentleman was going to lecture on " Hungary and^ the Hungarians." If he can manage to do that without touching on politics, I will only say he will shew a very remarkable genius for metaphysical analysis. So is it always ; every society of a like nature professing to exclude politics is ever doubting and disputing in the attempt to decide what ought and what ought not to be excluded under that name ; in other words, in the attempt to realize a distinction which does not exist. It is true that different " subjects of general interest" may be treated more or less politically, that is, with more or less reference to legislative or governmental action upon them, and that some subjects are more likely to be so treated than others ; but you will always find that the difference is in degree, not in -kind, and that it is im-

possible to lay down, or at least to observe, a definite rule on the point which would possess any practical value. I have already expressed my opinion, that if any such rule could be established, and if it were effectual, its result would be to ex-' elude from your consideration precisely the topics on which it is desirable that you should be informed, and I will not enlarge farther on that point. I have only left myself time to touch briefly on what I suppose to be the chief motive for desiring to exclude politics—a fear, namely, lest the introduction might lead to quarrelling. Now, that it may lead to quarrelling it would be absurd to deny, because political questions are, as I have said, precisely questions of general interest treated with a view to action, because on such questions men will feel strongly, because when they feel strongly they are apt to speak warmly, and because warmth of expression too often degenerates into violence and rancour. But an argument founded upon this would go to prove that all subjects in which men are deeply interested should be prohibited. Men quarrel about questions of literature and taste, as well as about questions of government and legislation. One of the]most violent quarrels I ever read of was between two learned critics^ Dr. Bentley and Mr. Boyle, about the genuineness of an old Greek manuscript. The Byzantine empire was convulsed by factions, who traced the origin of their disputes to their respective preferences of blue and green as distinguishing colours in a chariot-race. If we in Lyttelton quarrel, (which I sincerely hope may never be the case,) I think| it is more likely to fee about such purely scientific questions as the best line of communication between the port and the plains, or the best site for a cemetery, or such a purely literary question as whether the word "• steersman" be applicable to a youth under age, than about [matters commonly called political. Jesting apart, the only sure way to avoid quarrelling is to" discuss questions which we don't care a farthing about: and then, instead of getting angry, we shall go to sleep. But we are not so fastidious ; we are not so timid ; we are not so distrustful of our own good sense and good temper, as all that. Differ-' ences of opinion of course we must expect; perhaps we may occasionally have to hear a few hard words, and to see now and then things done that we may dislike; these are the common and inevitable incidents of mixed assemblies and free discussions; but I entertain a confident hope that we may never see anything deserving the name of a quarrel; still less that our meetings will ever be disgraced by violence of conduct or language. I consider that your own good taste and sense of propriety, the respect inspired by a place which is used for the education of youth, and provisionally for the worship of God, the presence of your wives and sisters and daughters—finally, that the authority of the individual whom you may select as your chairman, basked as he will be by the great majority, at least, of the members, constitute complete and sufficient guarantees that nobody will say or do anything in this room unworthy of a good citizen and a good Christian; or, at least, if he do so, that he will be at once and summarily put down.

Mr. Godley then proceeded to state in detail the arrangements that had been made for bringing the society into operation, the opening of the library, the newspapers that had been ordered, the numbers enrolled. &c. The substance of his statement appeared in our last impression. He concluded by reminding the meeting of the great opportunities of public education, both for themselves and their children, which were enjoyed by the people of this settlement compared to other infant colonies, and he earnestly invited them to avail themselves of those opportunities. He said that he trusted to see the time when it would be considered disgraceful in New Zealand to be without the rudiments, at least, of a good education; and that, for himself, if he could look back in after life to having contributed in the smallest degree towards so great and noble an object, he would on that account alone dwell with thankfulness and satisfaction on his residence at Canterbury.