The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 79, 10 July 1852, Page 6

The Lyttelton Times.

July 10, 1852.

The suggestion which we ventured to make, three weeks ago, that the public should abstain from registering under the Provincial Councils Ordinance, has beef^ pretty generally canvassed. Several letters have appeared from persons who fully agree in the importance of defeating the attempt to force the obnoxious law into operation, but who differ with us in the mode of doing so. But none of these letters, Mr. Brittan's included, take the smallest notice of the arguments by which we supported our suggestion. The fallacy of Mr. Brittan's, indeed of all the arguments which we have seen, lies in the assumption that it is a desirable thing to qualify under the Ordinance; "that the elector will gain power and privilege," to quote Mr. Brittan's own words, by doing so : but this is the whole point at issue. We hold that the electors under the Provincial Councils Ordinance will gain neither power nor privilege which they do not possess at present, Those who fancy they will do so, mistake a name for a reality, and, like children, are satisfied with a toy instead of the thing it is intended to represent. Sir George Grey gives us a toy—a thing with which we may play at "House of Commons"—but a machine possessing the functions and powers of that assembly. A real Legislative Assembly of the people, he will-not give. And the term " childish," which has been applied to us, is, one would think, more applicable to those who take one for the other.

Let us examine the probable consequences of declining for the present to register our names. There is considerable mystery about the intentions of the Governor in the late Proclamation and circular letter. It is intended to form an electoral roll, comprising the names of all persons qualified to vote under the Provincial Councils Ordinance. But it is implied that when the new constitution comes out from England, the same electoral roll will do ; so that persons now registering will be able to enjoy the privilege of voting under the law not yet arrived; whilst those who do not enroll, will lose that priviledge for the present. Now we totally dissent from this view; and if that be the meaning of his Excellency's letter to the Res. Magistrate, we cannot conceive that it can have any other pur-

pose than that of catching support by individual means for an Ordinance which has been universally scouted by the people. Sir George Grey must know that if a, new constitutional law comes out from England, it must be put in force ab initio ; and that the electoral rolls made up under the Local Ordinance, would not be worth a straw as regards the Imperial enactment. The Constitutional Law, which^it is now quite certain will arrive in the course of two or three months, must be put into operation ; and any man who in entitled to the privileges of an elector by that Imperial law,1 could not be deprived of them on the plea that he has declined to qualify under the^local Ordinance. We therefore reject this";view altogether. The electoral rolls now about to be formed will be available for the present Provincial Councils Ordinance, and for nothing else.

It is possible, however, that Sir George Grey may anticipate that the Parliament will do no more than| simply create a General Legislature for New Zealand, and that the present law for Provincial Government will remain in force until changed by such a General Legislature. In this event what do the people lose by refusing to qualify under the Ordinance, seeing that they get nothing by it if they do ? Would it not be more dignified, more consistent, and more effectual, to ignore the Provincial law altogether, and to elect such men to the General Parliament of the colony as would amend the Provincial Ordinance as soon as possible ?

But there comes the argument, if the people do not register, a small number may unite to form an electoral roll, and Government men may be elected to the Provincial Council. But what then ? The Governor can do all he pleases now by Nominees. He would gain nothing and the people lose nothing by such an election. If the Provincial law as it stands at present, gives no power to the people, what harm is done if some few choose to go through the farce of electing members.

There is, however, another and important view of the question. By forming the electoral roll, and electing good men and true, it may be possible more effectually to obstruct the Government. If a Council come together at all, it will pass laws— laws indeed which we shall dispute in the Supreme Court and by appeal to the Privy Council—but still laws which may seem to llave the sanction of being based upon popular representation. If the people send staunch friends to the Council — illegal as it is supposed to be, and an utter sham as it really is—they may at all events put a stop to all its proceedings by either staying away . from its sittings, or by always voting in opposition. That may, possibly, be a more effective mode of warfare than the plan of not registering, when unanimity is, not certain.

At all events would it not be wiser for the. people here to abstain from enrolling their names until news arrives from the other Settlements, in order that the same line of policy may be adopted in all? It is only by unanimity that we shall ever gain any political rights whatever, and it is often better to modify individual views for the sake of this integrity of action. It is impossible for every one to cling to all the details fof this opinion \vithout the danger of sacrificing great principles by disunion. To act effectually in politics we must act together. We are not wedded to our view— we still think it the best; but it must be kept in mind that the question was one of policy not of principle-—of the way to effect an object, not of the object to be effected, and we shall readily join in any plan of action which the popular party here, and in the other Settlements, may agree upon as best calculated to defeat the Provincial Councils' Ordinance.