SAN FRANCISCO

Grey River Argus, 4 May 1945, Page 4

SAN FRANCISCO

MR HULU’S ATTITUDE ON ARGENTINE ISSUE (Rec. 5.30) NEW YORK, May 2. The “New York Post’s’’ correspon-' dent at the San Francisco conference says it is authoritatively reported that Mr Cordell Hull telephoned an oral spanking to members of the United States U.N.C.1.0. delegation when he heard .that the United States had sponsored Argentina’s admittance to the conference. Mr Hull, it is reported, spoke at length with several American delegates and made his disgust clear. The delegates answered that they did not like the situation any more than Mr Hull but had no alternative. SAN FRANCISCO, May 2 The middle and small powers at U.N.C.1.0. are emphasising to the big five in informal talks that they wish to be consulted before they 1 are’ asked to take action against any future aggressor. The Dumbarton Oaks proposals provide that only eleven members of the Security Council will consider threats to peace and decide on action, leaving the 38 other nations out of the picture. Furthermore the six smaller nations on the Security Council only hold seats for two years at a time. One delegation leader said that the small and middle powers interpreted the draft charter to mean that all the United Nations would be asked to go to war automatically once the Security Council took a war vote. Several middle powers, backed by a good number of small powers are asking for the right to consult before accepting the Security Council decisions, thus giving them’ the choice of going to war or not.

Britain, America, China, and Russia are reported to oppose the ide?, on the ground that time-consuming consultations might wreck the main idea of swift, united action against aggression. This question is tied up with the contention of several middle powers, led by Australia, that the Security Council should comprise only nations having adequate armies and navies to make good their word on aggression. That would assure such powers —Canada, Australia, New Zealand, ■ Polancf, Holland, Czechoslovakia, and Norway—at least long tenure seats on the Council. The small nations are .worried by this move, Liberia proposing that six non-permanent seats on the Council should be filled by rotating nations alphabetically. Suggestions from the middle powers for carrying out Australia’s proposal include barrima from the Council, nations which have not agreed to pledge their military forces toi the world organisation, also nations which have not paid their dues. Another suggestion would limit the Council membership to nations agreeing to contribute the most military strength.

FRENCH AND EGYPTIAN CLAIMS.

SAN FRANCISCO, May 2. The Egyptian Foreign Minister, Abdul Hamid Badawi Pasha, said that Egypt will demand the return or Diarabub in Cyrenaica, which was ceded to Italy “under heavy diplomatic pressure bv Mussolini in 1900. France, it is believed, will revive the question of the territorial grants Laval gave Mussolini in 1935 in an effort to buy Italian goodwill. These include a huge triangle of the African desert south of Libya, the western od°-e of French Somaliland, and 20 per cent, of the French-owned Djibouti-Addis Ababa railway. MR FRASER ON DUMBARTON OAKS PLAN (Official News Service) SAN FRANCISCO, May 2. The main deficiencies of the Dumbarton Oaks plan were the absence of definite pledges on the part _of members of the world organisation, to protect one another against external aggression, and the disproportionate role allotted to small Powers, said Mr Fraser, addressing the plenary session of the U.N.C.1.0. New Zealand desired the proposed charter to require members to pledge unequivocally any member of the organisation. “We think this provision more than any other would give a life meaning to the world organisation, and assure all States a positive advantage in adhering to the charter,” he said. “The major deficiency m the Dumbarton Oaks proposals is the excessive authority conferred on the great Powers. We feel that part of the smaller Powers, in framing the decisions of the world organisation could be enlarged without loss of security. My country never shirked its responsibilities in ( defence of freedom and the democrat.ic way of life, particularly in wartime. New Zealand now asks to be given an .opportunity to meet adequately her responsibilities in peacetime. ' I don’t overlook the fact that the great Powers must inevitably have a predominant voice in matters calling for the use of armed force, but there will be difficulty in the- way of accepting a proposal under which the great Powers retain the right to say in every important case whether the organisation shall or shall not act, and whether they should be bound or not, and are at the same time vested with the right to deny smaller Powers, not only a vote, but a voice in these matters.

“Our view is that the powers of the general assembly should be wide enough to give that body the right ito consider any matter within the sphere of international relations. Its powers of discussion and recommendation should not be constitutionally limited. We also propose that when sanctions are called tor by the Security Council endorsement by the assembly should normally be required, and all members should be bound bj' assembly decision. This should not necessitate any delay in taking action, since there is likely to be some indications of rapidly developing dangerous situations, and in a case of extreme urgency, the Security Council should have power to act.’’ Mr Fraser said that the charter should include the application of trusteeship to the Government of dependant peoples. The object of that trust was the welfare of those peoples and the Powers to be conferred on the organisation should be the subject of discussion and negotiation. New Zealand attached great' importance to the provisions of the charter respecting the functions of the Economic and Social Council. “The paramount problem confronting us is the maintenance of peace,” Mr Fraser continued. “This i.c a moral problem—not one to be solved by procedures, however carefully and comprehensively devised.Failure of the‘League of Nations, one of the noblest conceptions in the history of mankind, was a moral failure on the part of individual members. It was not due to any fundamental defect of the League's machinery. The League failed " because members would not perform what they undertook to perform, and because of the recession that occurred in public morality in the face of the rising tide of Fascism and Nazism. It failed because the rule of expediency replaced that of moral principles. Unless we in future have the moral rectitude and determination to stand on our engagement and principles then the procedures, laid down in this new organisation will avail us nothing. I plead most earnestly that members seek international' equity, both political and economic, and in all circumstances keep their pledged word of faith, and

never again allow aggression in anv part of the world. This is a. moment of time which won’t recur in our lives, and may never recur again. The world may be bound for all time by what we here to-day make of our heavy, onerous responsibility. It is my deep fear that if this fleeting moment is not captured, the world will again relapse into mother period of disillusionment, despair and doom. This must not happen.”