PEACE TERMS

Grey River Argus, 15 February 1945, Page 6

PEACE TERMS

Sir W. Citrine’s Proposals DISARM AND DEMILITARISE RUGBY, February 9. The World Trade Union Conference discussion on the Trade Union attitude towards peace was opened to-day by Sir Waller Citrine. His opening point was: “The core of the peace settlement is—how are we going to deal with Germany?” His answer was: “There is a general agreement already that the peace (settlement must achieve: “Firstly, complete liquidation of I the evil system-which the Facist and I Nazi dictators strove to impose on | world security. I “Secondly, Germany’s blood-guilty • and war criminals must be brought ■ to justice. Not only must they pay I the full penalty for their crimes, but | every German man and woman who has "taken an active part in the atrocities of which a record exists must be brought to trial and punished. “Thirdly, there must be restitution of all stolen property of every description, and whether looted, expropriated or plundered, to the extent of all that is humanly possible. “Fifthly, Germany must be wholly disarmed by the surrender of all munitions, the dissolution of the German General Staff and the disbandment of all her armed forces, by closing down all German war factories, the dispersal of all warlike stores and raw material used in war manufacture. the dismantling of all industrial establishments in which war production has been carried on, and an outright prohibition of production and the use of aircraft. “Sixthly, Germany must be demilitarised. All the staff colleges and agencies of military instruction must be closed, the wearing of uniforms, except police, prohibited, to every kind of association, league, club, or organisation, and by such necessary changes in their political, economic, social and territorial structure of the German Reich as will destroy the foundation of the German military system. “Seventhly, Germany must be democratised, particularly by the reestablishment of the free trade union movement, and freedom of political •and cultural association. “Eighthly, German youth must be re-educated in an atmosphere cleansed of Prussian militarist tradition. “Ninthly, Germany, thus transformed, must be reintegrated ultimately with the European community, and with the new world order which the United Nations are resolved to establish in the coming peace settlement.” “It is clear to us all that nothing i less than the complete unconditional surrender of Germany can create the conditions under which a just and enduring peace can be made,” he added. “If any vestige of the Nazi organisation survives the war it will be a source of infection after the war. Unconditional surrender means we must carry on the military operations to a point where Germany’s armed forces are no longer capable of op-, posing the advance of the Allied armies and Germany is brought under military occupation. "The political consequences, as weil as the military results of continuing the armed struggle to this conclusion ar e important—the entire problem of the peace settlement is involved in that conclusion. It confronts us, in the first place, with the possibility that there may be no armistice in a formal sense at all. There may not even be representatives of any central Reich Government or German General Staff whom, the Allied Governments and their military advisers will recognise as bearers of a declaration of German surrender. In the actual course of events it is more than likely instead of a formal armistice the terms and conditions to which Germany will be required to submit will be applied practically by the actual occupation of Germany. For a considerable period the de facto Gov- ' eminent of Germany will be the Allied occupying authorities. It is inside Germany as well as in the higher councils of the Allies and not within th G four corners of the formal document called an armistice that the peace settlement will take shape. It' seems necessary that the trade union movement be associated in a consultative and advisory capacity with the administration, military and civil, concerned with the occupation of Germany, as during that occupation the short-term programme of peace will be put into execution.” Sir W. Citrine added: It is in the relations of the grand alliance of the United Nations that the permanent organisation for peace and security will subsist and we must build upon this foundation the structure for maintaining the peace which we desire to see. The question of reparations was thp most difficult of all the problems i of peace settlement, concluded Sir W. . Citrine, and it might be beyond the material capacity of Germany within . any calcuble limits of time to make any full reparation. None would deny the right, of Russia and the occupied countries to such service as the rebuilding of their ravaged lands. It was extremely unlikely that Britain or America would make any such claim upon German labour, but Britain must reserve her claim in that matter. How the Germans treated their reparation obligations would be one of the tests we must apply in deciding our future relations with them. Mr. Ernest Bevin, Minister of Labour, .told delegates to the world T.U.C. at luncheon in their honour, to-day: “Everybody agrees that Germany must go a long way to repair the damage she has done, but the Labour Movement will have to be careful in working out a method of approach to the problem.” He added that it would be quite easy to make a labour force of 60,000,000 in the centre of Europe, but if not handled carefully, it could bring down standards in other countries. The advantages and disadvantages would have to be carefully weighed in every action they took, particularly now and in the future, for the preservation of peace. He knew of no movement which had greater possibilities in bringing behind International Law a conduct-conscious, moral force than the great Trade Union Movement. The Pope’s Attitude FIVE PEACE POINTS. (8.8. C. Broadcast) In a broadcast over the British Broadcasting Association’s short wave service, Dr Thomas Leighton Williams, of Birmingham stated the Pope’s Peace points as follows: I have been asked to speak to you about the five peace points which the present Pope, Pius XII, put forward in his address to the Sacred College of Cardinals and, about the reception and interpretation of these peace points by religious leaders in • this country. To understand them clearly, I t" j nk we must first carry our minds back to the time "when they were issued m December 1939. The United States and Italy were not then in the war The Pope was on terms of coraial friendship with President Roosevelt and the President had just then asked

nermission to appoint a personal rel m-esentatlve to' tne Vatican with a I view to co-ordinating the efforts of I lhenl both to secure peace and allevl- 1 I ate suffering. It was in these cir- 1 cumstances that th e Pope believed it would be good to define the fundamental conditions of a just and lasting peace; and as a basis for such agreement he put forward the following five points: First, that all nations, big or small, powerful or weak, must hav e the right to life and freedom. The will o ‘ t one nation to live must never mean the death sentence passed upon another nation. Secondly, nations must be freed from the slavery of armaments, and from' the danger that material force, instead of serving to protect the right, may become an overbearing and tyrannical master. Thirdly, international institutions in the past have sometimes proved imperfect or ineffective, all parties should learn a lesson from this in any reorganisation of international Hite. To make a peace acceptable and to avoid arbitrary breaches of treaties, ' some juridical institution ought to be ' set up which will guarantee that agreements which have been made shall be faithfully kept and which will revise and correct these agreements where it may be found necessary. Fourthly, the real needs and the just, demands of nations and peoples, and of racial minorities must receive special attention, even though the l demands may not always be able to 1 establish a strictly legal right. A ' friendly spirit in meeting these demands by peaceful methods will 1 remove many incentives to violent ■ action. Fifthly—l am still quoting the ' Pone’s points—even the best regulations will be foredoomed to failure unless the peoples and those who gov- ' ern them submit willingly to the influence of that spirit which alone i can give life, authority, and binding : force to the dead letter of interna- - tional agreements: a spirit which ; teaches men to weigh and measure ’ human statutes according to the sacred and inviolable standards of the law of God. They must be guided by ' that universal love which is the com- ! pendium and the most general expres- ! sion of the Christian ideal and which may serve as a common ground also for those who have not the blessing of sharing the same faith with us. ’ One" year later in December 1940, I when Europe had been conquered by the Germans and the British empire , stood alone against Nazi domination, ; these live points were publicly accepted as the essential ba'sis of a just peace in a remarkable letter written to the “Times” and signed by the heads of the Anglican and Free Churches in Great Britain, jointly i with the late Cardinal Hinsley. The , letter said that “the present evils in • the world ’ are due to the failure oi ' nations and peoples to carry out the . laws of God”. “No permanent peace , ’ it said, “is possible in Europe unless , I the principles of the Christian relig- ! ion are made the foundation of na- ' tional policy; and of all social life. ( This involves regarding all nations as members of one family' under the Fatherhood of God”. “We accept”, the , writers said, “the five points of Pope Pius XII as carrying out this prin- ' ciple.” They concluded by expressing their confidence that the prin‘lcip!es which they had enumerated would be accepted by rulers and statesmen throughout, the British Commonwealth of Nations and would be regarded as the true basis on ' which a lasting peace could be es- ; tablished. • > This letted signed by the religious leaders of Great Britain brings out an important point, namely, that these ' peace points have been the occasion, if not the cause, of a collaboration hitherto unknown between differing religious bodies in Great Britain. The co-operation is not based on the principles of church order or doctrine; • each church has its own creed and worship and no question arises about ■ them. But it is expressed by that 1 sentence of the letter to the “Times” ■ which says that “no permanent peace is possible in Europe unless the prin- . ciples of Christian religion are made ■ the foundation of national policy and of all social life.” As that great . patriot the late Cardinal Hinsley said, “Though we differ on important matters we do all to maintain the . brotherhood of man and the Fatherhood of God, in the charity of Christ.” And the Archbishop of Canterbury 7 said on the same occasion in May 1941, “Christians are convinced that ' if there is to be any strength and stability in any 7 better order of civilisation, it must be based upon the Christian faith and built on the lines of Christian tradition and principle.” This co-operation has shown itself very markedly in the progress of two ! societies in Great Britain which have done their best to keep before men’s 1 minds the Christian principles on ‘ which national policy and social life • must be based if there is to be real peace at home and abroad. These i are the “Sword of the Spirit” founded ' by Cardinal Hinsley for Catholics, and ■ the “Religion and Life” movement for the Church of England and the i Free Churches. They are formed of ; men and women, clergy and laity, • who are impressed with the increas- ■ ing danger that in our generation the Christian heritage in which we ■ all share, may be lost, and that this I country may increasingly' slip into ■ accepting pagan standards and ideals. ; “Their purpose” say the leaders of two movements, “is to unite informed • and convinced Christians all over the country in common action on broad lines of social and international . policy.” Now what the Pope’s peace points ' amount to is an attempt to lay; down ' principles which will keep peace pro- - posals on the right lines, i.e. God’s ; lines. Movements for the improvment • of international relations, like those lor the improvement of social conditions, often try 7 rather pathetically 7 to do their little best without first mak- ' ing sure that they have the right ; answer to the most essential question of all: what is man’s purpose in life? This is the most practical question in th e world for all social or international reformers; for if we lose sight of what men are and what men are made for, we cannot help men to achieve the true purpose of their nature. Now the Pope believes, and probably most men, if they thought , of it at all, would agree with him. that man is made for God. That is ■ man’s purpose and destiny. Politics and economics, banking and trade manufacture, education and marriage should not be a law to themselves. They must all be subject to the laws of God. The Pope’s peace points as received and interpreted by the religious leaders of this country are an attempt to put this principle into action. And I think that if we look at the terms of the Atlantic Charier which was signed by President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill in August 1911, we shall see that to a great extent the i principles laid down by the Pope have : been accepted by British and Ameri- ■ can statesmen as the true basis for a > lasting peace. The Pope says that all nations big i or small have the right to life and ? freedom; and that the needs and just I demands of nations and peoples and ? racial minorities must be recognised, i 'The Atlantic Charier says that Bii- ? tain and the United States seek no s aggrandisement territorial or other. They 7 desire to see no territorial : changes that do not accord with the < j freely expressed wishes of the people i concerned. They respect the right of s all peoples to choose the form of pov- ’. eminent under which they will live; 1 they wish to see sovereign rights and , | self-government restored to those 1 who have been forcibly deprived of

l them. They want all states, great or ' small, victor or vanquished, to have access on equal terms to the trade I and raw materials of the world which I are needed for their economic p'ros- , perity. The Pope says that nations j must be freed from the slavery of armaments. The Atlantic Charter sayis our statesmen believe that all . nations of the world must come to ’ the abandonment of force. The Pope, ' standing as he does outside the war, says that a juridical institution must ' be set up which will guarantee that ' treaties shall be kept, and will if ' necessary 7 revise the provisions of treaties in the light of events. The British and American statesmen, speaking realistically of the real enemy to be overcome if treaties are to be kept, say 7 that, when Nazi tyranny; has been destroyed, they hope to see a peace established in which men may live free from fear and want and may traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance. There is agreement then on four out of the live peace points made by the Pope. But now what about the fifth point Agreements the Pope says will be doomed to failure unless rulers and peoples themselves have a spirit of good will, and unless they weigh human laws according to the sacred inviolable standards of the laws of God. Do the statesmen agree with the Pope on this? May I suggest before trying to answer the question that what Addison said of us one hundred and thirty years ago is still true to-day: “We have in England a particular bashfulness in. every thing that regards religion.’’- Statesmen over here do not talk freely or glibly about God; we might perhaps suspect their motives if they did so , talk; and I imagine that this is true of English speaking people everywhere. But this does not necessarily imply that they do not believe in God. ; Do you remember how on Sunday I morning August 10, 1941 the two ; leaders of the English speaking naif Hons were present at an Anglo- . American religious service held on ■ the quarter-deck of the battleship the j “1 rinefi of Wales”, at which they . prayed 'for the oppressed countries 1 “ nd n f 9 or Tn? v ! ct , ory of r 'ght and > ti’uth- I cannot help thinking that, > as Mr. _ Churchill afterwards suggest- [ ed in his broadcast the Atlantic meet- . ing symbolised “the marshalling ; the good forces of the world against ( t he evil forces which are now so fors midabie. . f Whether this b e true cr not, when

statesmen gather together at the end of the war to determine the conditions of peace, the one thing we ask of them is that they should remember man’s purpose in life and ins destiny. Man cannot leave God out ol life and yet expect life„to go on peacefully. And men cannot leave God out “of the peace proposals and yet expect to have peace. Let us make sure that God is represented at the peace conference if we wish to ensure a real and lasting peace.