The New Hebrides.

Gisborne Times, Volume VI, Issue 157, 15 July 1901, Page 3

The New Hebrides.

THE COMMONWEALTH AND FRANCE. (Sydney Times.) Thk trouble over the occupation of the New Hebrides by the Fronch is likely to result seriously beforo a final settlement is arrived at, and the question is one in which the Commonwealth of Australia must play a conspicuous part. In the course of an interview which a Sunday Times representative had with the French Consul, that gentleman, in effect, said that the French were the first to take possession, and that, therefore, they intended to stick to it, and prove that they were tho masters.

“ We colonised it,” he said, “ and have sunk capital and done everything for its advancement, and we do not intend to bo deprived of our rights. The islands were free long enough for Britain to have en-te-red into possession had she chosen, but as she did not do so, she cannot blame Franco. The French are on the same piano of civilisation as the English, and we aro prepared to treat all foreigners on an equal footing, whether they be British, German, Spanish, or anything else.' •‘But are the Britishers treated with fair play '? Is it not a fact that they labor under serious disadvantages? ” “ The complaints which have been made to the effect look very well in the Press, but there is no solid foundation for them. Some of the British missionaries —both Church of England and lloman Catholics —have been working in the islands for somo time, and doing good work among the natives. So long as these gentlemen continue to coniine themselves to the moral advancement of the natives we arc prepared to afford them every assistance, but we cannot allow them to interfere in other matters. We quite realise 1 that the new regulations by the French j administration would bo a little distasteful ! at first to foreigners, and it would be very unjust if we did not do so, but our object i is simply to give fair play all round.”

“ Regarding the sale of firearms to the natives. How is it that the French are allowed to indulge in this traffic while the British are prevented ? ” “ The British, the same as all other foreigners, are prevented, according to law, from importing firearms for the natives, but they do it all the same. For six months out of the year, owing to the rough weather, no man-of-war is present, and therefore, the islands are for half the year without any police protection. There is also no Custom-house, and, as a consequence, no proper watch can be exercised over anything that is imported. Foreigners, in order to avoid any possible detection when importing firearms, take them to pieces, and they pass through with the ordinary merchandise. That, however, is only a little bit of fun.” •• Complaint has been made regarding the methods adopted by the French in the

purchase of land from the natives '?

“ There is no justification for such a complaint. We buy the land direct from the natives, because there is no notary there. When a transaction of this character is being conducted, however, a native chief is always present, and his consent is always obtained.”

“ Is not the occupation of these islands by the French likely to prove prejudicial to Australia ? ”

Ido not see how it can. The islands

are too far away, and I think a great deal of unnecessary fuss has been made of the matter in the press. To my mind, England cares very little for these islands, and

Australia cares less. At the same time, the question is a very important one to France, owing to the proximity of the islands to Now Caledonia. For that reason .we would object to any other Power taking possession of them. “ For comparison sake, the New Hebrides are to New Caledonia what Tasmania is to Australia, so far as position is concerned. Would not Australia object to France or any other Power holding Tasmania '. J Of course it would. Then, with equal reason, France would object to any other Power having control of the New Hebrides.” The distinct assurance given by Mr Barton that Britain lias no intention to allow France to annex the New Hebrides was hardly necessary. Even ten years ago it was very unlikely, however convenient it would have been to buy the French out of Newfoundland by the cession of these islands, that the Imperial Government would have taken such a stop; It is now impossible. The Australian war contingents have settled that question. Besides, the British people, even in

their most unrcgeneratc days, never (ell into the habit certain other nations have indulged in o( either swapping away pieces of t'icir Empire irrespective of the wishes of the inhabitants, or of parting with them for cash. The princes of the Holy German Empire disposed of both territory and subjects up to a late date. Napoleon sold Louisiana for .£1500,000, Russia Alaska, Spain the Philipincs, and the Danish West India island of St. Thomas is understood to be in the market at the present time. Britain a few years ago, indeed, ceded Heligoland to Germany in return for certain rights in Africa, but Heligoland, although formerly Danish, is geographically a German island, its inhabitants are of Gorman race, and their affinities are with the Fatherland, visitors from which furnish their principal moans of livelihood. The near neighborhood of the French in New Caledonia and the New Hebrides seems to weigh like a nightmare on some Australian citixcns. Their fears arc baseless. If the Power in question were Russia or the United States or Germany, ground might exist for alarm. 'But Franco, with its stationary population, a national debt the biggest in the world, and an over mounting expenditure on.its army cannot expand further. This is seen well enough by many thinking Frenchmen, who believe that the “ grande nation ” will be unable to stand even the present strain much longer, and would do better to concentrate her energies, if not at homo entirely, at least not beyond the basin of the Mediterranean. The greater number of French colonies cost much more than they bring in. Ancient possessions like Martinique, Guadalopo, and Reunion, which ought long ago to have reached adult age, still need subsidies ; the receipts from Algeria fail to cover the expenditure upon it by over a million sterling a year; Senegal, the Soudan, and the French Congo also figure on the debit balance side of the Colonial balance-sheet. Those continual Colonial deficits have to bo made good for a nation which, with the possible exception of Italy, is the moi t overtaxed in .Europe, and the fact has ret Frenchmen considering whether the game is worth the candle. “ The moment will come soon,” said President Loubet three years ago, “when it will be necessary to ask whether for a vain glory wo ought to preserve intact our entire Empire, or if wo ought not to renounce those of our possessions which profit us nothing.” This is the language of cold prudence, not the ravings of the Parisian victims of I “ Colonisationomanie,” who growl if every | three months news docs not arrive that fifty hectares more have been annexed on the Oubanghi or Chari; or the irresponsible talk of the Now Hebridean traders, who, like those of every other nation, love to exalt the puissance of their native land, and boast of her future aggrandisement. Everything comes, it has been said, to the man who knows how to wait.. This is still more true of nations, particularly young ones. If Australia waits patiently she ought to have the New Hebrides and New Caledonia, too, some day. But prick the Gaiil in a point of honor, wound his susceptibilities by shouting about Monroe doctrines for the Pacific, and for next to nothing of possible material gain, lie will light, just as ho was within an ace of lighting three years ago for a village on the Nile of which not one Frenchman in a hunch-el could point out the position on the map. The alienation of the islands to a real colonising Power in exchange for concessions in Europe or Northern Africa is the only danger. It is not an immediate one —the very suggestion of it would make the Noumean officials laugh—but Alaska was bought and sold over the heads of the Canadians without the world hearing a whisper of the bargain till it was completed. M. Leroy-Beaulieu’s alternative proposal to exchange the rights of the French in the New Hebrides against concessions by Britain in West Africa may have possibly been instigated by the Government in Paris, and—from our point of view—its acceptance is desirable, whatever tlie great Cecil —or, rather, the tvo great Cecils—may think of it. If it comes to nothing, a simple announcement, devoid of all veiled or open threats against anybody, that the Commonwealth is not prepared to view with equanimity the transference of French rights in this part of the world to any alien Power would not be amiss