The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1940. ANOTHER “BLITZKRIEG”

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVII, Issue 20244, 11 May 1940, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, SATURDAY, MAY 11, 1940. ANOTHER “BLITZKRIEG”

Taking advantage of the preoccupation of the British Government with the futile and unwarranted wrangle in the House of Commons over how the war should or should not be conducted, Germany lias again taken the initiative. While the British politicians persisted in conducting an inquest on the body of the last victim, Hitler was perfecting his plans for adding three more victims to his already long list. The lesson is obvious. Instead of fighting lost battles over again the Allies should concentrate on preparing with greater skill and determination for the next and doing everything within their power to ensure victory. The simultaneous invasion by Germany of Luxemburg, Holland, and Belgium has done more than anything else to vindicate the decision of the Allies not to become further embroiled in the useless struggle in Norway but to prepare for eventualities in other spheres. It suggests, also, that the British intelligence service was not nearly so inefficient as some critics were so ready to believe, and, more important than anything else, it confirms the contention that Germany has secured no real success in Norway. To-day she has been compelled to launch out in another direction and it is certain that her new campaign must be immeasurably weakened as a result of the losses she sustained and the energies she exhausted in Scandinavia.

Germany’s latest crimes against humanity and civilisation were not unexpected. Apart from the knowledge that no small State is safe from the aggressor, the deliberate concentration of attention on the Balkans and the Mediterranean suggested, as was stated at the beginning of the week, that the next blow was most likely to fall elsewhere. Now it has fallen on the Lowlands and two more small countries which have done everything in their power to preserve strict neutrality are fighting for their independence and are being subjected to all the brutal fury of the Nazis. It is a waste of time to point out that there is not the vestige of an excuse for the German action because the only excuse that Germany requires for any action is that it will assist in the prosecution of her nefarious plans. It is a matter for comment, however, that this time Germany offers less pretext than on any previous occasion and did not even give her intended victims the opportunity to capitulate in advance. The inference is that she is becoming more and more desperate and is now running completely amok. Every other move she has made, every method of attack against the Allies, has either failed in its purpose or been effectively counteracted and the Allies and the world can take heart from this evidence of a sense of frustration.

It is not easy to foresee the effect of the invasion of Holland and Belgium but certainly there is nothing to indicate that it will give Germany any real advantage; the indications, in fact, are entirely to the contrary. Not only are the Allies not taken by surprise, but,' in addition this new sphere

is one in which they should be able to give the maximum of assistance with a minimum of delay. Neither Holland nor Belgium was taken unawares and early reports suggest that their defence measures have been put into operation expeditiously and effectively. The promptness with which they accepted the German challenge and declared themselves to be at war on the side of the Allies is sufficient testimony, if testimony were needed, of their courage and their determination to fight for the freedom which they hold so dear. It is evidence, too, that they have not been dismayed by the Allied reverse in Norway and are not perturbed by the alleged loss of Allied prestige of which some of outown people have been only too ready to make so much. The stand taken by these small States in the common cause should give fresh heart to the Allies and it certainly adds to their responsibility to see that the war is prosecuted with the utmost vigour until victory is assured and the fear of aggression removed once and for all..

It is clear that Germany is staking everything on this new venture. Encouraged, perhaps, by the admission of Allied numerical inferiority in the' air which was so fdolishly wrung from Mr. Churchill during this week’s debate. Hitler is bent on demonstrating the strength of his air force. In Holland, Belgium, and France open towns have been bombed indiscriminately. with casualties rnainlj among civilians, and there is not the slightest doubt that, if Hitler has his way, British towns and cities will suffer a similar fate. At least these measures will serve to bring home to the people the realities of the war and the need for subordinating everything else to its successful prosecution. • Nor will they be without effect in the remaining neutral States who will await with some anxiety the repercussions from this latest move. The prompt announcements from Washington and seem to have disposed of fears of any immediate action in the Dutch East Indies but the only assurance of Italian inactivity is the knowledge that she has little stomach for fight and the certainty of prompt counter measures should she be tempted into the arena. In the meantime. Hitler’s new move brings little new danger to the Allies but rather does it reinforce them materially and morally and leaves the impression that there may be unintended truth in his message to his troops that their hour had come and that Germany’s fate would be decided for the next thousand years. A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT In effect, the formation of a National Government in Great Britain is a good thing and the only cause for regret is the manner in which the change was brought about. In time of war there is no room for domestic differences but there is a definite need for collective responsibility in the conduct of the war. This fact was appreciated by the Government from the outset and an endeavour was made to broaden the basis of the administration to include representatives of all parties. The Opposition preferred, however, to avoid its responsibilities and to retain its freedom to make political capital out of the nation’s difficulties. Now it has been caught in a web of its own weaving and can no longer evade the obligations which it should have willingly shared from the outbreak of war. It is not likely that the War Cabinet will be materially strengthened by its reconstruction but it will benefit to the extent that carping criticism will be avoided. Instead of airing its internal differences, which are more political than real, the country presents a united front to the enemy. To the extent that this has been done, both in Britain and in France, the broadening of the basis of Government is a desirable and welcome step.

The regrettable feature, so far as Britain is concerned, is that Mr. Chamberlain has been made the victim of a personal vendetta, but he will be the last to regret the sacrifice—if sacrifice it is to forgo a thankless task and responsibility—entailed by his resignation. Mr. Chamberlain has held office for just three years, but he has been spoken of as if he were to blame for all the mistakes that have been made since the last war—starting with the Peace Treaty itself and followed by the Labour Party's suicidal policy of unilateral disarmament, Had it not been for the rearmament programme initiated by Mr. Chamberlain three years ago, Britain could not have faced the war in which she is involved to-day and it is probable that history will give him greater credit than is accorded him by his own generation. Mr. Churchill now assumes the Prime Ministership: in effect, as the nominee of the Opposition. Whether he will prove as effective in his new post as he has in others or whether his added responsibilities will detract from the effective service he can give time alone can tell. At least he starts with the advantage of having eliminated a factious Opposition and with an assurance of the support of all parties in the House and a substantial majority of the public.