ABYSSINIA

Evening Star, Issue 22070, 2 July 1935, Page 13

ABYSSINIA

EMPIRE'S VITAL INTEREST ‘ . 9 A complete and surprising failure to penetrate the dense clouds of verbiage which, in. matters of this kind, are no less, than clever diplomatic smoko screens, has resulted in the grave African crisis being regarded by the public and students generally as a mere incident ” (says a writer in the ‘ Sydney Morning Herald ’)'. Nothing could be more pernicious than this false belief. Worse still: so far as the British Empire is concerned, it is of first-class importance, yet by no means is this commonly realised. For the world it is an equally vital matter. The core of the whole great subject is that _ Abyssinia is in Africa what Austria is in Central Europe. It is the percussion cap of a magazine which, if fired, would shake no clauses in any treaties more crazily than those defining frontiers and possessions. Inevitably, the question _of colonies would be in the open again, alike before the eyes of victors arid vanquished in the Great War. Then, again, it would be a stern time for nerved statesmanship and far-sighted sagacity. Even now Signor Mussilini’s “hands off” warning to Britain and France strikes a harsh, unpleasant note, like rifle butt on gunmetal, and the inescapable query is: “Will Italy’s action become analogous with that of Japan’s in Manchuria?” . What is involved immediately for Britain if. the storm over Abyssinia byeaks is a tremendous consideration —• the future of Egypt. Although Egypt is nominally she is in reality a very jealously-prized part of the British Empire. The future of Abyssinia and Egypt is of foremost interest to Britain’s great cotton manufacturing. industry. At the moment Britain is dependent upon the United States for cotton supplies, but within two decades it is hoped that the cotton plantations of India, Egypt, the Sudan, Kenya, Mesopotamia, South Africa, the West Indies, Uganda, Tanganyika, Nyasalancl, Rhodesia, Nigeria, and Australia will he- developed i sufficiently to supply - the whole import needs of Great Britain. Essential to this impressive plan is the use of the waten of the Blue Nile and of Lake Tana, which is in the heart of Abyssinia. Whitehall is not the oply scene of concern at tllfe prospect of some hard bargainng if Italy controls Abyssinia. Germany, which formerly held, colonies in Africa, including Tanganyika, has eyes for the moves.. The ‘Deutsche Front ’ voices more - than German opinion when it comments: “ Without doubt it would be against the interestsof England to allow the Italian plans in Abyssinia, to succeed. . At present Lake Tana the great basin which supplies the Blue Nile,. is held safely for England in Abyssinian hands. But if Mussolini could get into his power this important source of the water supply for the Sudan and Egypt, he would he in a position whenever he wished to strike a blow at England, a serious blow at a highly, vulnerable spot,;and endanger all the fine irrigation .works which England has set up and with which she controls the water supplies of Egypt and retains control .over the Egyptians.” DESTROYING EGYPT. England has strained every' fibre for more than a quarter ' of a century to obtain from Abyssinia positive concessions for the use of the waters of the Blue Nile and of take Tana, Strategy and policy and economics in equal proportions animated her. , A French historian has concluded that “ it would only be necessary for a rival Power to make a breach ,in the barriers, of the rock ori : the Upper Nile, and this beneficent river, which created Egypt, would be transformed, into a destructive flood;’ Mr. Leonard Wolf, noting this, has remarked.with flashing sarcasm “ that as long as the uncivilised Africans were left to themselves'in uncivilised Africa, the idea of blowing out rocks in the Highlands of Abyssinia in order to allow the Nile to rush down and spread destruction and death over the plains of Egypt did not occur to the rulers of Egypt and Abyssinia. _ But when civilised and Christian nations, like France and Britain, 'appeared in these regions as ‘ rival Powers,’ this ingenious device had to be reckoned with as a practical possibility of strategy and policy.’’ ' Uncommonly ,complicated, the' heavy clouds afe gathering rapidly, all but unchecked. Almost on the very eve of discussion by the League of Nations of the Italo-Abyssinian . dispute, set down for Monday, Signor Mussolini’s speech in. the Italian Senate, indicating that he would oppose intervention from the other Powers, is a disquieting challenge. The urgency pf action and a firm stand is plain, but how best to take it? Clearly, the positions of Britain and France are unenviable because they, with Italy, - compose the major Powers represented at Geneva. In Europe, to face a Nazi pan-Germamc policy, the unity of all three in the most vital sense is mutually indispensable., Is it this very fact which is prompting Signor Mussolini’s attitude, an attitude which can only be interpreted . as on© conrpatible with Italy s notorious African ambitions? Does he suppose that he Ts strong enough to make Abyssinia virtually a protectorate of Italy, and at the same time stand with Britain and France, unrebuked? Precisely this is what is in his mind; he admits it to-day when he declares: “ It is because we wish to be at ease in Europe that we, intend to have our back secure in Africa.” JAPAN PLAYS A PART.

There are more, shadows in this picture than there are lights. The mistake usually made in, contemplating it is that the dispute between Italy and Abyssinia is >new. -It was there .in the ’eighties when Italy, with other European Powers, joined in the “ scramble for Africa ” in 1884, when every scrap of African territory was seized except Abyssinia itself and Liberia. If Italy strikes now the,last vestige of native independence may vanish from Africa. Italy declared Abyssinia an Italian protectorate early in the 1890’s, but King Menelek declined to acknowledge the extinction of his country’s independence. Italy threw an army against the tribesmen, hoping to create an Ethiopian Empire, but they were crushed, their hopes toppled dramatically. Their humiliation was bitter. A list of ,the real reasons for Italy’s drumbeating actions to-day probably would include this last fact, but it would be dominated by three others—firstly, Mussolini’s expansionist policy; secondly, the entrance of J apan into the scene in support of Abyssinia; and, thirdly, the fact that Emperor Haile Solaisse, ruler of Abyssinia, has modernised his army with aeroplanes, howitzers, and field artillery. .

J apan recently obtained a concession from Emperor Haile Selassie for cotton growing over a large area in Abyssinia, Commenting on this a few weeks ago, however, the 1 Frankfurter Zeitung ’ said: “ Japan’s advance into Abyssinia, which was principally an economic move, but doubtless involved political ambitions also, Las apparently been stopped. The Government in Tokio has expressly declared that it has no inten-

tion of prejudicing Italian interests in Abyssinia. Japan’s positions on the Red Sea were never considered as a bulwark against Italy, but rather as *outposts on the sea route to the Far East. In spite of this, Mussolini took it upon himself to protest against the proposed Between the Japanese and Abyssinian Royal families.” Nevertheless, 1 1)6r Angriff ’ (Berlin), suggesting that Mussolini would meet strong African solidarity if he started to invade Abyssinia, said that “ Colonel Herbert Julian, the world’s best negro airman, has announced that he will travel to Aden (from America) with 10 other negro airmen and two fast fighting planes, and fly the machines from there to , Abyssinia. He explained that Abyssinia is inferior only in the air, and that once this deficiency is made up she will have nothing to fear.” A glance at the map is enough to give any one an idea of the fine strategical advantages which would be Italy’s if she took Abyssinia. Instantly she would command the Rod Sea and the Gulf of Aden. None appreciates this more than Signor Mussolini, soldier and sailor, and Signor Mussolini, Minister for Colonies. If so momentous a step were taken, where would the reverberations not be heard? Instead of an answer to that question, the Powers aro likely to give Italy a friendly, steady, earnest warning. The prestige of the League would be involved; more, perhaps its very life. Both Italy and Abyssinia are among its members, and the protection of Abyssinia’s political independence _ and territorial integrity is the obvious concern and duty of the _ League. For the League there is no escape; it must defend Abyssinia against all aggressors. Abyssinia regards, herself as haying been the subject of an invasion by Italy as a result of the minor battle between Italian and Abyssinian troops at Wal-Wal, on the boundary of Abyssinia and Italian Somaliland, at the close of last year. On the other hand, Italy sees it only as a matter for the delimitation of a territory, and not as one for arbitration by the League. It is to be hoped earnestly that the suggestions from reputedly reliable sources that if Britain and France, ns members of the League, intervene, Italy will leave the League, are baseless. Italy must know that that way madness lies.