The Evening Star THURSDAY, JULY 16, 1931. RUSSIA AND NEW ZEALAND.

Evening Star, Issue 20846, 16 July 1931, Page 8

The Evening Star THURSDAY, JULY 16, 1931. RUSSIA AND NEW ZEALAND.

Ix might prove informative, some question day in Parliament, if a Minister of the Crown would make an official statement relative to New Zealand trade with Russia. That, say, the Minister of Industries and Commerce should do so without provocation might be expecting too much. Therefore it may bo suggested that some member, preferably a Labour representative, should submit a question on the subject. Tho information desirable in tbo first place might bo touching Soviet trade representation in New Zealand. Apposite in elucidation of a matter on which the interest and curiosity in business circles have somehow not risen to tho surface in more public discussion would bo the precise status of whoever is acting hero as the Soviet head agent, his activities, and his antecedents, and particularly whether he has previously been known in New Zealand. Authoritative information from the Crown’s representative on theso points would be welcome, whether to silonco rumoui or to confirm it. In caso a Labour member of Parliament declines the honour ot being the medium ot, setting on foot such inquiries, the responsibility should not be shirked by members of other parties, for one is inclined to think that a service could here bo done to tbo community. Priority of opportunity, however, seems in this case to be duo to Labour, because if ever there was a case of tho bread being taken out of tho mouths ot tho Now Zealand worker by tho competition of tho product of sweated foreign labour—sometimes even convict labour and slave labour which may oven not bo that of convicts—hero is one.

It is a matter of common knowledge that the sawmilling industry in Westland, politically a Labour stronghold, is at a very low ebb at present. Many mills are closed down, others are working at far below full, capacity. It is being sought to import timber from Siberia, the main port of shipment being Vladivostock, and a tentative start has been made. Evidence, first hand and well sifted, is accumulating from many sources on the conditions of that export trade. The British Labour Party and the Anti-slavery and Aboriginal Protection Society jointly promoted a draft convention against forced labour for the approval of the League of Nations, but mainly because of French opposition at Genova it was not ratified, and the League took no action. (Russia has not been admitted to the League of Nations.) However, the Howard League and the society mentioned above co-operated in sending Sir Alan Pirn, K.C.1.E., C.S. L., and Mr Edward Bateson, formerly a judge of the Egyptian mixed tribunals, to the spot to investigate. Their ‘ Report on Russian Timber Camps ’ has now been published. Wo have not yet procured a copy of it, but this week’s English mail brought a lengthy review of it by Lord Olivier in one of the highclass London weeklies, a paper of strong Socialist tendencies and a persistent advocate of trade resumption with Russia. Lord Olivier, it may be mentioned, is well known as a champion of the rights of the black races in Africa, particularly Kenya, and at, the outset of his review ho states that by reason of the volume and nature of his correspondence on his recent return to England he conjectured that “ there must bo a new Press stunt in progress about the iniquities of the Soviet Government.” Thus lie may bo accepted as at least not being prejudiced or biased, consciously or unconsciously, against Russia.

The report, Lord Olivier says, is “ careful, conscientious, judicial, and cogent.’’ The Soviet Government, he postulates, “ has established and cn trenched itself, with a subordinate ramification of carefully packed vocational and local sub-committees, in a position to carry out certain ideas of policy with entire disregard of the feelings, liberties, and accustomed rights of those classes and individuals whose habits of mind and activities it deems to conflict with the principles which inspire its regime. Such classes and in dividuals are handled with unscrupulous harshness, partly from simple hostility and a desire to destroy or cripple them, partly as a punishment and a lesson, if they are mercifully allowed to survive. These administrative methods are not attractive or sympathetic to the public of civilised countries accustomed to political toleration and liberty, and few Englishmen can observe their operation in Russia, or anywhere else, without feelings of indignation and disgust.’’ In accordance with the Fiveyear Plan of mobilising and drafting labour where it is wanted most, gangs of ordinary industrial workers are despatched to work at wages in the exploitation of the great forest resources. “ on the whole a quite reasonable economic proceeding.” This is one of the elements in the alleged forced labour in timber-producing camps. Another element is the Soviet’s resolve to exterminate the five million Kulaks, or small farming proprietors, who stand aloof from the big communal farm system. So they are drafted to the timber camps. Again, the Soviet employs its prisoners on public labour outside the prisons. It manufactures an excessive number of convicts, because it condemns political dissidents or those it suspects of disaffection. Tho Soviet authorities have denied that any convicts are now employed in cutting timber ; but they have certainly been employed in clearing and building roads and railways into the forests, and they have been and probably still are employed in loading ships. Sir Alan Pmi and Mr Bateson report that in their opinion the conditions imposed upon the Kulaks in timber camps are oppressive, as many of tho occupants are unsuited for the type of labour assigned to them, and their exiled state is particularly severe. Tho Soviet Governvent intends that this should be severe, to punish tho Kulak for having led the immoral life of a small farmer or, agricultural produce dealer. They also report that tho conditions of labour for tho political prisoners were for the same reasons inhumane and oppressive, though “ there is no evidence of organised brutality.” Tho Soviet Government intends that its penal conditions shall bo deterrent. Tho Soviet Government, in reply to its critics (comments Lord Olivier), very' naturally observes that obligation to work for a living is in Russia a national principle, and must, if necessary, bo enforced by the State.

If in New Zealand the Labour movement is organised as its spokesmen claim, then Labour M.P.s must occasionally confer with secretaries of Seamen’s Unions, and the latter in turn must keep in touch with nen who go down to tho sea in ships, - .-bother registered in New Zealand or not. Therefore some conscientious Seamen’s Union secretary must by now have learned something from some oversea vessels which visit New Zealand ports and have passed it on to some member of Parliament. Where tho investigating pair—Sir Alan Pim and Mr Bateson—got their information from and under what supervision wo do not know*. Whether tho wharf labourers were Kulaks or convicts wo do not know. But wo do know what fo’c’slo hands do say when they have been and seen. They have rubbed shoulders with tho shore gang, have alleviated pressing needs of tho latter, and have observed tho consequences. On one occasion tho shore gang was short by a man—tho man who was, by reason of lingual discrepancies, useful. Next day ho was useless. Ho was as far mderground w U as many holes in his body as tho economical Soviet Government could alford, his leatii warrant being the spy working m the Soviet shore gang. To bo the linguist in a Russian port is as attractive an occupation as to bo a storekeeper m a West Coast (New Zealand) village near a coal mine.