GROWING TOO BIG

Evening Star, Issue 20687, 9 January 1931, Page 12

GROWING TOO BIG

TASK OF GOVERNING . HOW A PRESIDENT LIVES INCREASING PRESSURE. Years before lie assumed tbo burdens of the Presidency. Woodrow Wilson, in an engaging book on ‘ Constitutional Government,’ expressed the opinion that unless some means could bo devised of easing the ever-growing pressure upon the Chief Executive, the nation would bo forced to consider physical as well as mental fitness in choosing its President, and accordingly seek men of athletic training as well as scholastic attainment, says the ‘ San Francisco Chronicle.’ Unfortunately, remarked Mr Wilson in effect, this is a combination seldom found. All athletes cannot be scholars nor all scholars athletes. This being so, Mr Wilson ventured no solution of what was then and is now a pressing pro'hlem in our public life, and one which grows more acute as tho years advance. Mr Wilson was himself to become a victim of the overwhelming pressure of the Presidency, and his successor, Mr Harding, was to collapse and die under tho strain. Mr Coolidge aged perceptibly in tho White House. After less than two years in office President Hoover, while in excellent physical and mental health, nevertheless gives evidence that it is a pressure which tho most robust cannot withstand unscathed. It is interesting to analyse this problem, yet rather disappointing, because an analysis leads nowhere. Inevitably one arrives at the conclusion that there is nothing in tho Constitution which permits of a change in procedure by which tho President might be freed of tho countless responsibilities placed upon him. He cannot divide his responsibility. Ho cannot in any way shift the burden or part of tho burden to other shoulders. Ho cannot for an instant legally escape the ever-pressing realisation that ho is the governing head .of a vast nation of some 1,10,000, 000 people, ALWAYS GROWING. Inevitably the country will have to consider this problem objectively and find a solution of it. Tlio Presidency is now and for many years has been too groat a burden for any man. As tho nation increases in population, in resources, anil in world power, tho burdens of tho office become heavier. The country as a whole does not realise it, but to observers in tho capital it is amazing how each change of Administration increases tho work of tho Presidency and other executive branches of tho Government. Each Congress imposes now duties upon them. The progress of trade and industry, tho currents of the social life of the country, tho progress of tho great and small nations of the rest of the world—all of these factors are reflected in tho President’s office, and, united, represent his daily responsibilities. Like so many other constitutional and statutory provisions 0 f OIU . q ov . eminent, the fact that the President is constantly facing a superhuman task represents tho conservatism of the men who set up the Government. Furthermore, it is eloquent of tho tremendous success of this greatest of all republics. For it is nob to bo supposed—indeed, tho records do not support such a supposition—that the Constitutional Convention envisioned a nation embracing '3,000,000. .square miles, made up of wlvat Do Tocqueviile described as an assemblage of nations. All tho political theory of the time—and tho founders were men deeply read in the theory of government—was opposed to the view that a republic could exist in other than a nation of limited area and population. Undoubtedly if Hamilton. Jefferson, Franklin, and their confreres could have foreseen tho development of tlw last century the great influx of population and the steady advance of the nation into a position of world leadership, some form of divided authority, some means of easing tho strain of the presidency would have been provided. SLAVE OF DUTY. Political writers and students of tho present engage in speculation on this problem, but hesitate to propose a solution lest they offend tho instincts of patriotism. Tho typical American shudders at the idea of dividing tho responsibility of tho President. Ho

is accustomed to having a single individual at the head of the Government, and he will consider no other proposal or suggestion, it is impossible for him to realise what that individual suffers, what a price ho pays, what a sacrifice in personal comfort and ordinary human happiness is required of him. The average person sees only tho glorified aura of the office. He conics to Washington and,' looking at the White House—that fine old mansion surrounded by ancient trees, sparkling fountains, and rolling lawns —lie asks what sacrifice ho would not make to dwell there in, to have every want supplied by a generous Government, to bo waited upon by scores of servants, to ho sought by tlio great of this and other nations—to have tho world at his feet. If it wore possible for a company of average American men and women to spend a week in tho White House, how keenly they would sense that tho President must surrender himself almost entirely to his office, and must cease to have personal plans lor comfort, ease, and relaxation such as tho poorest of his fellow-citizens may enjoy. They would resent tho necessity of constantly being unable to live their own lives, to go where their desires dictated, to have their friends about them in easy fellowship. A TYPICAL DAY. Since he baa been spending the weekends at his Virginia camp (where usually he confers with members of his Cabinet or other Government officials), tho President does not arrive at his office on Monday morning until about 10.30. Government officials are waiting to see him. His desk is piled high with correspondence which only be can dispose of. There arc a hundred matters pressing for disposal, but there may be one outstanding problem such as an international coniplication, a national disaster, or a political problem. In that event all other business is put aside, and tho President summons those concerned in seeking solution of tho major questions. Conferences may last an hour or two hours. Meanwhile, Mr Hoover’s secretaries are making engagements for interviews, for tho President must be accessible to all members of Congress, to all those associated with him in the Government, and to unlimited numbers of men active in tho industrial and financial affairs of the nation. There is a popular idea that few sco tho President. Ho may see ton, twelve, or fifteen callers between 10 o’clock, or noon, at which later hour members of the Diplomatic Corps call to present citizens of other countries to the President. More presentations follow at 12.30, when members of Congress and officers of the Government bring their friends and relatives. At this period the President frequently goes into the south grounds to ho photographed with visitors-. Tho President goes to lunch at 1.15 —not to enjoy a leisurely snack with a group of friends, but to lunch formally with guests, to discuss public business with callers whoso necessities require more time than could be spared in the office. Afternoon engagements are reserved for persons with whom extended conferences arc necessary. These include Government officials, Cabinet members, diplomats, business leaders, Labour leaders, representatives of all phases of American life. His day at the office never ends until C o’clock. HIS TWO HOURS. For two hours, from 0 to 8 ji.ni., Mr Hoover has an opportunity to relax. Ho may sleep for half an hour, and spend the rest of the time in reading a light book. Dinner is served at 8. Again it is a formal function with guests, or it may bo an elaborate State dinner in honour of a distinguished foreigner. After dinner the guests remain usually until II o’clock, when tho President retires. This hour has been set by the President’s personal physician. Captain Boone, as the time for his retirement, for Mr Hoover could not withstand the strains of his office without adequate sleep. Dosjiito this constant routine jircssure, there are times when the President must he alone. He must prejiaro messages to the Congress, write his public addresses, dispose of correspondence, consider diploma lie negotiations, and in the solitude of his own room give thought to national policies and problems. Tim President, of course, is the leader of his party. Hence ho is constantly being called upon to formulate political policy, to meet the party lenders of flic Congress and of the States, and to advise and direct to tlio end that wise political action may be reflected in the success of his Administration. Such problems at that represented by the recent Huston case must of necessity bo considered by him, for in important jiarty affairs iio acts ns a court of last recourse. MAKING APPOINTMENTS. There arc, of course, a multitude of details connected with the presidency not mentioned here. Tho business of making appointments and signing commissions is in itself a tremendous task. It would break the spirit of an impatient man. Mr Taft hated it with a wholesome and whole-hearted hate. But tho President cannot get away Iroin it, lor it L his constitutional duty.

As Mr Akorson. secretary to the President, recently g a id, regarding tho

position of the Chief Executive: “He must be protected from the smaller details and non-essentials, and yet lie must bo accessible to all those who are participating; with him in the conduct of the Government.” That means that ninety-six Senators and 'IdS Representatives, the members of the Legislative branch, must bo able to confer with him at any time that they desire. Fortunately, the majority in liot.li Mouses realise the tremendous burdens of the Presidency and come to see i he Chief Executive only on urgent business.