BRITAIN AWARE

Evening Star, Issue 16409, 27 April 1917, Page 8

BRITAIN AWARE

OF GERMANY WAR PREPARATIONS. WHAT LORD SYDENHAM SAID. American papers of March 4, contained the following interesting article by Lord Sydenham, England’s well-known export on fortifications and military science, revealing Britain’s knowledge of German war preparations : All who cherish American friendship and are jealous of- the honor of the American nation have often felt doubt and perplexity as the tremendous drama of war unfolded itself, and signs of misunderstanding or want of sympathy with r.ur cause seemed to be revealed on the other side of the Atlantic. We can judge public opinion in tho great Republic only by the telegrams from correspondents which appear in onr newspapers and from private letters, which, frequently conflict with the views thus conveyed. It is always difficult for one nation to road tho mind of another, and the successive fluctuations of American opinion, in which we are asked to believe, impose a strain upon our imagination. —Views of Great Nations.— A great people does not suddenly change its views in regard to fundamental principles without good reason, and from August, 1914, to the present time there has been no reason for the smallest revision of judgment as to the causes of the objects of the war which was sprung upon Europe. German statesmen and publicists, military and civil, had for years been explaining publicly the form which pan-G?rraan ambitions had taken. Professor Roland B. Usher, after a careful study of German aims, sn.nmed th"m up as “tho most audacious attempt yet inch consciously to direct through a long terra'of years the evolution and the fate cf the world.”

All American renders of * Pan-German-ism,’ published in 1913; must have instantly realised that these aims were directed against the liberties of other nations, and must Kid to a world catastrophe. They could hardly fail to understand that their own liberties and th-ir cherished Mon-oo Doct-ine were alike threatened, oven hod Hu*v omitted to note certain omirous symnl im's of (nu'iier ■data. It cannot be that the Germans concealed their object of world-dominion, to he attained by force of arms, or that American observers had neglect’d to point out the coming dangers; brt to Am.> can students ct aifairs, ns to manv of ns, it may ivcl 1 have seethed ineoimoivaldc Unit this nation, embarked on the Xln-<| t : de of prosperity, with cnmm-'co and industry advancing by leaps and bounds, would •deliberately sot Europe in flames. —Germans Effectually Conceal ’Cast Preparation?.— On the other band, the Germans die! cifoctualiy conceal the vast cnemt of their preparations tor a war ef cer.ipc.e; i, vid di have since been rcver.Ld. and America: s must now understand that they stake-.! all on a snort and sharo campaign based on their marked ruperioi < , tary organisation and in the ccloswii a.ribce,rnents which they bad kberiou.dy buiit up. I'ieir hopes wciv, not ii;? tilled', ami, but lor the iatervoi-lion of Great Britain, v.v, now sea clearly that uu.se bones might have tern realised. * ° When Briieos arc told that if Am-.ri-cans hare not lully uiKlc.'.-loi.d the cause? of the war, the issue* at etake on the present military situation, I he fault lies jiere, wo ask ourselves it v.c are really to elarne. The Germans have covered the wornl with the most mendaciously astute propaganda over known. -b 0 eiL-rt anrl no cxncnse have been spared to sow discord among the Allies and to attract too symnat;;;rs of neutrals. Tho_ methods of manipulating public opinion, which were raised to a fine art by Bismarck, have been vastly extended. It will puzzle the future historian to estimate the psychological effects of these immense activities, "and lbs extent to which they have influenced American opinion is unknown to ns. We did not sufficiently recognise the power of the German clement in America; nor did wo foresee the German Embassy at Washington and the Gorman Consulates all over the country, acting under its guidance, would be utilised as bases of operations, naval, military, and journalistic, against the Allies. —British Refuse to Copy German Methods— It is true that we have done nothing effectively to combat these agencies, and our interests may, therefore, have suffered ; but thoughtful Americans will understand our difficulties and our natural reluctance to copy German methods. It_ has not been the habit of British Ministers freely to give their views in interviews with representatives of the Press, and the American newspapers have been well supplied with matter thus ohtamed in Germany. We may be wrong, but it is not easv to make a sudden break with established Ministerial etiquette. That our Embassyshould be used for propaganda purposes apd should give instructions to the American people behind the back of their Government would be abhorrent to our ideas. But another consideration has always been present in British minds, though it may save prejudiced British interests. We have felt throughout the war that it mignt be regarded as insulting to the intoiligence -of the American people if we attempted to force upon them views which they were well able to form, and we relied perhaps'too much on the news of even those which might reach them through ordinary channcds. It .iV nerican writers, like the late Dr J. Vv illiam White and James M, Beck, have analysed the causes and objects of the war with conspicuous ability/ America possesses acute critics, who are capable of appreciating at their true value the ravings of Count Reventlow and the effusions of Major Moraht. If we are to blame for neglecting to state our case before American readers, at least there are some extenuating circumstances which Americans will not he unwilling to respect. It must bs frankly admitted that the successive Notes of President Wilson and his recent address to the Senate have created a widespread impression in the Allied countries that the great cause for which we are making terrible sacrifices is not _ clearly understood, and that the significance of events which are beyond dispute has not been adequately grasped. We firmly believe that we are fighting for all that America has in the past held most dear, and that upon our success in destroying Prussian militarism the peace ol the world and security of the United States depend. American military critics, comparing the course of the vast operations in 1916 with that of 1915, can only have reached the conclusion that the violent explosion due to the sudden letting loose of all the forces engendered by German preparations matured in 40 years has reached the limits of its effects! Meanwhile, the Germans surrender more I freely than ever before, and in the frequent recent raids they have shown signs of military deterioration. The prospects may well cause anxiety at the Imperial Headquarters, and it is natural that the refusal of the Allies to accept peace at the magnanimous hands of the Kaiser should have caused depression among the German people. The latest German Note proclaiming the intention to destroy all shipping at sight, regardless of nationality, of the nature of the cargoes, and of the most elementary of humanity, shows the desperate s ; to which the Germans have been reduced by the blockade, and on land the same recklessness must be expected. Americans will now perfectly understand the spirit which the Allies are sacrificing their all to destroy—the spirit which has long threatened the liberties of the world and which at length submerged Europe in a flood of barbarism. If the United States becomes involved in the war, it will be because the rulers of Germany have violated every pledge given to President Wilson, precisely as two and a-half years ago they deliberately tore up a solemn treaty. We shall spare no effort to combat this avowed savagery, and if ever reprisals were instilled, that time has come. Wo

have not the smallest wish to see America embroiled, but we may ■ be pardoned for feeling some satisfaction that at length Gorman armies arid German methods of conducting war stand revealed to American eyes.