WELLINGTON.

Evening Star, Volume VII, Issue 1946, 31 July 1869, Page 2

WELLINGTON.

(From the Lyttelton Times Correspondence.)

The debate on Mr Stevens’ resolutions was opened on Thursday by Mr Travers in an excellent speech. He had not had time to prepare, being engaged in the Native Lands Court day after day, ami it came forth with a freshness and an absence of that bitterness which so often characterises Mr Travers, speeches in the House. But lawyers speeches don’t have so much weight in the House as they would if coming from ordinary members. The special pleader is always present to the mind’s eye. Vv lion we see Mr Travers, for instance, one day throwing down his brief in Court, as he did a few days ago, declaring there was no justice to be had for his white client against a Maori, and a day or two afterwards acting ns counsel for the Manawatu dissentients, with Archdeacon Hadtield and the Rev, Mr Williams sitting by bis side instructing him—when we see that Ids profession obliges him to advocate one day, one side, and next day the other, it is impossible to attach great weight to what fdls from him in the party arena of the House. The saying attributed to Lord Plunk* t, “ That much might be said on both sides, he should like to have a hundred guineas to argue cither,” is always before you, and divests tbe best possible speech of very much of its effect. During Mr Travers’s speech he spoke in reference to the Southern land fund in a manner which he felt sure would bring down upon him the anger of the Canterbury Press. Unhesitatingly, he declared his conviction that the time had come when the House would have to review the whole question of the wastelands, not for the purpose of breaking any bargain, but for the purpose of doing right and justice to all parts of the Colony. We had to look at the whole thing in a very much broader light than that in which we had looked at in the past. There had been no connected system in dealing with the waste lands One province had sold at LI an acre, another at L2, and a third had disposed of all there was to be sold at os an acre. Where the laud had been extravagantly wasted, there had been economy in borrowing, where the land had been economised, large loans had been incurred. Canterbury had borrowed largely, so as to save its lands, but it bad also received enormous sums from sales of land ; and yet he could not admit that the resu t had been in any sense satisfactory, as regarded the development of the country. That he had said this would be attributed to the fact that he had left Canterbury, and was now resident in Wellington. He knew that the constituency he represented—misrepresented they would say—would in all probability, at the next general election, jirefer to elect a person who was a local president. That was another of the curses—or inconveniences, to say the least—of the Provincial system, that the people could not believe that they could be represented honestly 1 in this Legislature unless they had as repre--1 sentative a man whom they could, as it j wore, jostle into the mud of their streets, or i unless they selected for the purpo e some person resident within the four corners of their respective city or district. He knew, then, that he should receive a most severe castigation in Canterbury for uttering the sentiment that the lands of the Colony should become the property of the Colony ; hut he believed not only that that must come, but that it must soon come. He believed that there was scarcely a person who had given attention to the subject who was not convinced that what one who was formerly an hon. member of the House, Mr Sewell, used to call “the red hand of the North,” must soon ’.be put into the pockets of the Middle Island. The laud fund of the Middle Island must become common property with that of the North Island, and the whole ,would have to be devoted to those common purposes which a laud fund was really meant to subserve. He knew that those opinions were held by many, in the House and out of it, who hesitated to avow them. But from the moment that the General Government adopted the debts of the Provinces, and so made one common debt, it was bound to take all the assets also. That must come about sooner or later, bargain or no bargain. Bargains in politics wore things to be neglected when interests arose which conflicted with them ; and the time was come when the whole of the resources of the Colony would have to be put in -one common purse, to meet the common necessities.

Mr Carleton came next. The House was very thin, and what followed was as good as a play. Standing close to the Speaker’s chair, within easy distance of the Ministerial bench, opportunity was afforded to Mr Bell to spoil Mr C'arlcton’s points by poking good-natured fun at him. It does not of course appear in Hanmrd, but it was most amusing. In speaking for instance, as to whether the House represented the country, he expressed his belief that as a rule the members for the towns did represent their constituents, but that the members for country districts did not —“ except the member for the Bay of Islands,” poked in Mr Bell, which brought no Mr Carleton all standing, to the amusement of even body. Thai again, when speaking of the Press, he said he recollected the time when that of New Zealand was the most brilliant outside the British islands —when FitzGerald. Godley, and (Jrosbie Ward conducted it in Canterbury ; Feathcrston and Fox in Wellington ; Domett and Monro in Nelson ; and Brown in Auckland —“ and Carleton,” suggested Mr Bell—the Southern Cross, under Mr Carletou’s editorship, claiming at the time to be per excellence what a colonial journal should be, although 1 do not think any one could for a moment admit its claim to be well founded. To attack the Press is very fashionable in the House, because probably to every member more or less it holds up a mirror, enabling them to see what we so dislike to see -ourselves as others see us. But when any member is more concemnatory than another, it generally turns out that he has at some time or other, had something to do with the Press himself. Following Mr Carleton, came Mr Vogel, who spoke well, as he always does, on these set occasions, and then an hour was spenf in a conversational discussion as to whether the debate should be idjourned, and how the r - solutions should be put, seriatim or as a whol. It was during this discussion that Mr .Holieston made the declaration of his intention to vote against the cardinal points of the Ministerial policy—the obtaining assistance from England in men. What he said may be held to be his explanation and justification of the “Cave” policy. The “Cave” consists of Measrs Rolleston, Tancred, Potts, Patterson (Maiori) and Steven.

Mr llolleston thought the resolutions to be of vital importance to the country, and he believed that the speech by which the resolutions were introduced to the Committee was

of such a character that it would command public attention throughout the length and breadth of the colony. He had not seen that the discussion of the e resolutions had in any way interfered with the progress of the ordinary business of the country. Before speaking on the resolutions, which he did not intend to do at the present sitting, he wished—in the most friendly spirit towards the Government —to set himself right as to his own position with respect to these resolutions, and to others which were before the House. It has been currently reported outside the House, and it had been a theme for the public press, and amongst honorable members generally, that there was a prospect of an early dissolution of the House. He and many other members held that there was no real cause fora dissolution ; that the mam difference between the policy of the present Government and that of the late Government, was as to obtaining Imperial assistance, although he admitted that there was also a difference in favor of the present Government, as regarded the promises made of retrenchment. On the question of obtaining troops from England he should vote against the Government, and he felt that if the Government were defeated on that question, though there would be nothing like a policy upon which to go to the country, there might be a dissolution. Therefore it was that he, and those who thought with him—those who had been called “ The Cave ” —felt they would be doing the country a service by putting before the House at a time when there was no definite business before it, their own ideas upon questions which were assuredly of great importance to the country. He believed that the course so taken had caused members of the House to think upon those questions, and had thus caused attention to be diverted from party strife. He could not but believe that those thoughts would fructify, in a way that would not have ben possible, but for the various resolutions having been laid before the House, and the country would be thereby greatly benefited.

The debate was at length adjourned, on the understanding that the resolutions should be put one by one. On Friday, the debate was resumed by Mr Rolleston, whose proper pride had been touched by Mr Travers’ slighting allusions to the doings of the Canterbury Government. After him followed Mr Stafford, Mr Ormond, Mr Richmond, and Mr Gracroft Wilson. The House contains no more unflinching opponent of Provincial institutions, as they now are, than Mr Wilson ; yet he did what many other honorable members are always professing their desire to do yet never do it—voted against pet opinions as in opposition at this crisis, Nothing like contrast to give a good effect, and in contrast to Mr Wilson came Mr Potts. He hated the very name of Provincial Governments, and was not to be deterred by any considerations from supporting from supporting attempts at doing away with them entirely. The man that would hit upon some plan of doing so would, in his opinion, deserve the gratitude of the colony. After Mr Bunny, Mr Fitzherbert took the floor for an hour and a half. The raciness of Mr Fitzherbert’s speeches is not expressed by the words of Hansard. From Egyptian antiquities to English prejudices — anything and everything that comes uppermost to him he brings in with effect, and wakes up .and refreshes the House far more effectually than an adjournment to Bellamy’s. He combated the “clean sweep,” and the “ flat justitia” school, and had, as he always has, a ready and apt reply to tho interpolations that occasionally were thrown in by those opposed to him. Fox, Staffrd* Bell, Vogel, Fitzherbert, are all famous for their readiness in this respect. “ Why, said Mr Fitzherbert, “ should we sign the death warrants of the Provincial Governments?” “What have they done!” It was inexpressibly comic to hear a little piping cry of “ Nothing” proceed from someone, I could not learn from whom. “ Whoever says ‘nothing’ (replied Mr Fitzherbert) ignores the history of New Zealand,” and then, as if the whole current of hi* speech had been suddenly altered, showed the great “something” which New Zealand owed to the Constitution of 1853. Mr Fitzherbert could not vote with Mr Stevens, but beset an example to the “Cave,” by not actually injuring the Opposition ; he did net vote at all. 'this course I elo hope the “Cave” will adopt, should there beany prospect of the troop question being jeopardised—not vote at all, rather than vote against the Ministry, whose countenance in office they profess to desire. As the clock struck one, the division took place. Mr Ormond had proposed an amendment, as follows: —

‘ ‘ That, in the present condition of tke Colony, it is inopportune to decide questions involving great constitutional changes ; that such should more properly be left to the con-ideration of the next Parliament; and that the grave difficulties in which the country is involved do not allow of any reduction of the taxation of the country,” On the division taking place on the first of Mr Stevens’s resolutions, the resolution was lost in favor of the amendment, by 33 to 22. All the other resolutions of Mr Stevens were withdrawn, on the House expressing itself thus decidedly. Had there been any seriousness in the resolutions, had they [been a question of policy to be carried out, some of the 22 would have voted against them. Two further matters are all that I need note The Steam Postal Committee is still hung up for want of a Postmaster-General, and has been obliged to ask for a fortnight’s longer existence in consequence. Mr Cracroft Wilson’s Choorka resolutions have disappeared from the Order Paper. With regard to them Mr Wilson is deeply in earnest Whether they are desirable or not in the eyes of the Colony, he thinks his resolutions embody an almost absolute necessity, and he wants them acted upon. The House is certainly by no means in love "with them, but the Opposition were desirous of backing them up with the view to embarrass the Government. Now the Ministry very naturally object to being embarrassed‘ if they can avoid it, and so Mr Bell,' it appears, privately pointed out to Mr Wilson thaj;, if he would postpone the resolutions until the troop-resolutions of the Government couftj be brought on, the substance of Mr Wilson’s might be tacked on to theirs as an a ’tentative, something to this effect—that if the Commissioners cannot obtain Imperial troops, and on due enquiry by them it is found that the Ghoorkas are desirable, and can be obtained with the consent of the Imperial or Indian Government, then the Commissioners shall be empowered to take the necessary steps, &c. Mr Wilson consented to this, to the annoyance of the Opposition ; but to the saving of a debate conducted by it in no other spirit than one of obstruction. An incidental remark of Mr Bell’s on Friday is worth recording. H«

mentioned that L 200.000 had gone m the Airedale to Auckland for the purpose of being invested in the Thames Mines. I presume much of it comes from the South.